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AND  THE 


1937-1945 


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Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2012  with  funding  from 

Metropolitan  New  York  Library  Council  -  METRO 


http://archive.org/details/picassowOOnash 


Picasso 

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Steven  A.  Nash,  Editor 


Willi 


Robert  Rosenblum 


\  \  I >  i  ONTRIB1    riONS   v.-i 

Brigitte  Baer 
Michele  Cone 
Michael  FitzGerald 
Lydia  Csato  Gasman 
Gertje  Utley 


THAMES    AND     HUDSDN 

FINE    ARTS     MUSEUMS     DF    SAN     FRANCISCO 


Published  on  the  occasion  of  the  exhibition 
Picasso  and  the  War  Years:  1937-1945 

Fine  Arts  Museums  of  San  Francisco 
California  Palace  of  the  Legion  of  Honor 
10  October  1998  -  3  January  1999 

Solomon  R.  Guggenheim  Museum 
5  February  -  26  April  1999 

Picasso  and  the  War  Years:  1937-1945  has  been  organized  by  the  Fine 
Arts  Museums  of  San  Francisco,  in  collaboration  with  the  Solomon  R. 
Guggenheim  Museum,  New  York.  We  are  grateful  to  the  National 
Endowment  for  the  Arts  and  the  National  Endowment  for  the  Humanities, 
Federal  agencies,  whose  grants  have  made  this  exhibition  possible.  This 
exhibition  is  supported  by  an  indemnity  from  the  Federal  Council  on  the 
Arts  and  Humanities. 

All  works  of  Pablo  Picasso  ©  1998  Succession  Pablo  Picasso  /  Artists  Rights 
Society  (ARS),  New  York. 

Copyright  ©  1998  by  the  Fine  Arts  Museums  of  San  Francisco 

All  rights  reserved.  No  part  of  this  publication  may  be  reproduced  or 
transmitted  in  any  form  or  by  any  means,  including  photocopy,  recording, 
or  any  other  information  storage  and  retrieval  system,  without  prior 
permission  in  writing  from  the  publisher. 

First  published  in  the  United  States  of  America  in  hardcover  in  1998  by 
Thames  and  Hudson  Inc.,  500  Fifth  Avenue,  New  York,  New  York  10110 

First  published  in  Great  Britain  in  1998  by  Thames  and  Hudson  Ltd,  London 

Library  of  Congress  Catalog  Card  Number  98-60335 

ISBN  0-88401-095-3 

British  Library  Cataloguing  in  Publication  data 

A  catalogue  record  for  this  book  is  available  from  the  British  Library 

Produced  by  the  Publications  Department  of  the  Fine  Arts  Museums  of 
San  Francisco:  Ann  Heath  Karlstrom,  Director  of  Publications  and  Graphic 
Design;  Karen  Kevorkian,  Editor.  Frances  Bowles  and  Sharon  Vonasch, 
proofreaders.  Book  and  cover  design  by  Michael  Sumner.  Typeset  in 
Berthold  Baskerville  at  Burning  Books,  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico.  Assistance 
by  Melody  Sumner  Carnahan  and  John  Inserra. 

Printed  and  bound  in  Hong  Kong 

i  '  IN  nm  tit:  Pablo  Picasso,  Still  Life  with  Skull,  Leeks,  and  Pitcher 
(detail),  14  March  1945,  Fine  Arts  Museums  of  San  Francisco,  cat.  no.  80. 

BACK  COVER:  Pablo  Picasso,  Study  for  Guernica  (Head  of  a  Horse),  2  May 
19       \luseo  National  Centra  de  Arte  Reina  Sofia,  Madrid,  cat.  no.  4. 

PIEl  i  :  Picasso  in  his  studio  on  ihe  rue  des  Grands-Augustins,  1938. 
MllSei    Pic  asso.  Pa i  is.  Pic  asso  Arc  hives.  Photograph  bv  Pcler  Rose  Pulham. 


v        Tit 'face 

9       Acknowledgments 

13        Picasso,  War,  and  Art 

Sua  i  \  A  N  vmi 

39       Picasso's  Disasters  of  War: 
The  Art  of  Blasphemy 

R.OBER1  Rosl  Mil  1  M 

55       Death  Falling  from  the  Sky: 
Picasso's  Wartime  Texts 

l/i  Dl  vCSATO  G  \^\l  w 

eg       From  Guernica  to  The  Charnel  House: 

The  Political  Radicalization  of  the  Artist 
Gertje  R.  Utley 

si        Where  Do  They  Come  From- 

Those  Superb  Paintings  and  Horrid 
Women  of  "Picasso's  War"? 
Brigitte  Baer 

gg       Circumventing  Picasso: 

Jean  Paulhan  and  His  Artists 
Michele  C.  Cone 

1 1  3        Reports  from  the  Home  Fronts: 

Some  Skirmishes  over  Picasso's  Reputation 
Michael  FitzGerald 

122        Catalogue  of  Works 

2D5       Chronology 
Steven  a.  N  \mi 

229  Notes 

247  Selected  Bibliography 

251  Lenders  to  the  Exhibition 

253  Index 


Preface 


It  is  with  special  pride  that  we  at  the  Fine  Arts 
Museums  of  San  Francisco  present  the  exhibition 
Picasso  and  the  War  Years:  1937-1945,  documented 
by  the  publication  of  this  book.  Both  are  historical 
events  of  the  first  order.  They  represent  the  fulfill- 
ment of  a  longtime  dream  of  Steven  Nash's,  exhibi- 
tion organizer  and  Associate  Director  and  Chief 
Curator  at  the  Fine  Arts  Museums,  to  assemble  for 
the  first  time  in  this  country  an  exhibition  on  this 
fascinating  and  under-studied  period  of  Picasso's 
work  when  art  and  history  dramatically  conjoined. 

From  our  internal  perspective,  the  exhibition 
advances  further  our  museums'  mission  to  embrace 
more  fully  in  our  collection  and  programs  the 
most  creative  and  intellectually  challenging  art  of 
the  twentieth  century.  From  the  point  of  view  of 
scholarship  and  historical  information,  we  expect 
the  exhibition  and  book  to  make  a  significant  and 
lasting  contribution. 

Although  many  exhibitions  and  publications 
have  examined  different  aspects  of  Picasso's  prodi- 
gious career,  ours  is  the  first  in  the  United  States 
to  focus  specifically  on  the  period  between  the 
Spanish  Civil  War  and  the  end  of  World  War  II, 
when  Picasso's  art  intensely  reflected  the  global 
holocaust  and  the  strain  of  life  under  the  German 
Occupation  of  France.  A  similar  exhibition  took 
place  approximately  ten  years  ago  at  the  Ludwig 
Museum  in  Cologne,  but  ours  benefits  from  the 
extensive  new  research  on  this  period  of  Picasso's 
life  and  work  that  is  made  possible  largely  by  the 


systematic  organization  in  recent  years  of  the 
Picasso  Archives  at  the  Musee  Picasso,  Paris,  and 
its  vast  holdings  of  correspondence,  photographs, 
press  clippings,  and  other  pertinent  documents. 
Our  organizational  team  is  greatly  indebted  to 
the  staff  at  the  Musee  Picasso  for  all  the  help  they 
provided  in  making  these  holdings  accessible. 

Despite  the  fact  that  it  contains  some  of  his  most 
personally  expressive  and,  ultimately,  character- 
isitic  work,  Picasso's  war  period  has  not  received 
attention  from  scholars  and  collectors  commensu- 
rate with  its  importance.  Understandably,  this  owes 
in  part  to  the  art's  dark,  grim,  and  challenging 
qualities  that  have  not  been  popularly  accepted  as 
have  other  more  colorful  or  pleasurable  emotional 
aspects  of  his  stylistic  development.  Also  important 
is  Picasso's  having  personally  retained  a  significant 
proportion  of  the  work  from  this  period,  and  its 
passing  after  his  death  directly  into  the  private  col- 
lections of  his  heirs,  keeping  sizable  portions  from 
general  public  awareness.  Guernica,  one  ol  the 
landmark  achievements  of  this  period,  is,  of  course, 
well  known  to  anyone  interested  in  Picasso  and 
modern  art,  and  certain  other  key  works  from  this 
era  -  e.g..  The  Charnel  House,  variations  of  the 
Weeping  Woman,  L'Aubadc,  Night  Fishing  at 
Antibes,  and  Man  with  a  Lamb     have  also  attained 
the  status  of  icons.  But  main  other  strong  and 
evocative  works  from  the  time  remain  little  know  n 
and  underappreciated.  It  is  often  in  these  less 
acclaimed  paintings,  drawings,  sculptures,  and 


prints  that  we  find  the  most  telling  messages  of 
Picasso's  inner  reaction  to  cataclysmic  world  events 
and  their  effects  on  his  personal  world.  These  are 
messages  of  timely  relevance,  given  a  general 
renewed  interest  in  the  history  of  World  War  II 
and  Nazi  cultural  policies,  augmented  by  the  efforts 
of  contemporary  artists  to  address  political  and 
social  realities. 

Through  the  works  in  this  exhibition  and  book 
we  see  a  remarkable  record  of  the  interaction  of  art 
with  historical  events.  No  other  artist  of  the  twenti- 
eth century  left  so  sustained  a  visual  account  of  the 
devastating  effect  of  war  on  life  and  the  human 
spirit.  For  a  comparable  achievement,  one  must 
look  back  to  the  work  of  Picasso's  revered  country- 
man Francisco  de  Goya,  whose  accounts  of  atroci- 
ties in  the  Napoleonic  wars  in  Spain  almost  150 
years  earlier  have  much  in  common  with  Picasso's 
modern  updates  of  the  language  of  loss,  struggle, 
sorrow,  and  commemoration.  We  hope  through 
our  project  to  promote  greater  public  understand- 
ing and  appreciation  of  what  Picasso  achieved. 

In  the  accompanying  acknowledgments  Steven 
Nash  has  thanked  the  many  individuals  who 
helped  in  one  way  or  another  with  the  enormous 
logistical  and  research  effort  that  lies  behind  this 
project.  I  add  my  own  voice  of  thanks  to  his  and 
also  single  out  for  special  commendation  the  out- 
standing organizational  work  that  Steven  Nash 
himself  has  done.  We  are  particularly  grateful  to 
our  colleagues  at  the  Solomon  R.  Guggenheim 
Museum,  New  York,  especially  Robert  Rosenblum, 
Thomas  Krens,  and  Lisa  Dennison,  for  their  help 
and  support,  to  the  many  lenders  to  the  exhibi- 
tion, and  to  those  sponsors  who  helped  make  it 
all  possible.  Thank  you. 

Harry  S.  Parker  III 

Director  of  Museums 

Fine  Arts  Museums  of  San  Francisco 


Acknowledgments 


It  is  axiomatic  to  note  that  the  organization  of  a 
major  international  exhibition  in  today's  art  world 
requires  the  assistance  of  a  great  many  individuals 
both  inside  and  external  to  the  home  institution. 
For  an  exhibition  on  Pablo  Picasso,  the  debts  of 
gratitude  for  assistance  are  particularly  deep,  given 
the  many  challenges  that  any  organization  is  bound 
to  encounter.  High  insurance  values,  the  frequency 
of  loan  requests  for  well-known  works,  and  the 
inevitable,  central  importance  of  such  works  in 
their  respective  collections  help  make  the  securing 
of  necessary  loans  a  particularly  daunting  task. 
A  great  many  works  by  Picasso  from  the  period 
surveyed  in  the  present  exhibition,  i.e.,  1937-1945, 
remain  sequestered  in  private  collections,  their 
locations  unrevealed  to  recent  scholarship  and 
cataloguing  efforts.  Documentation  for  this  period 
in  general  is  relatively  scarce  and  often  difficult  to 
access,  due  in  part  to  the  disruptions  caused  by 
World  War  II  and  also  to  the  fact  that  important 
materials  still  reside  in  private  hands  or  in  diliicult- 
to-penetrate  government  collections. 

With  these  obstacles  in  mind,  it  is  especially 
gratifying  to  be  able  to  acknowledge  and  thank  the 
many  colleagues,  collectors,  friends,  and  other 
individuals  connected  in  one  way  or  another  with 
our  enterprise  who  have  all  contributed  so  much  to 
the  success  of  Picasso  and  the  War  Years:  1937-1945. 
Chief  among  these  are  Dr.  Robert  Rosenblum, 
Professor  of  Fine  Arts  at  New  York  Universitv  and 
my  co-organizer  at  the  Guggenheim  Museum, 


whose  deep  knowledge  of  Picasso,  generositv  will) 
information,  and  ready  wit  made  him  an  ideal 
partner;  and  Harry  S.  Parker  III,  Director  of  the 
Fine  Arts  Museums  of  San  Francisco,  who  several 
years  ago  recognized  immediately  the  potential 
importance  of  the  project  and  lent  support 
throughout  its  long  development.  Also  crucial  to 
the  fruitful  realization  of  the  exhibition  and  its 
accompanying  catalogue  are  those  scholars  who 
shared  their  knowledge  through  insightful  essays 
and,  in  many  cases,  provided  support  and  infor- 
mation far  exceeding  that  expected  of  an  essayist: 
Brigitte  Baer,  Michele  Cone,  Michael  FitzGerald, 
Lydia  Gasman,  and  Gertje  Utley.  A  sabbatical 
leave  granted  by  Harry  Parker  and  the  Sabbatical 
Committee  of  the  Fine  Arts  Museums  of  San 
Francisco  allowed  me  to  travel  to  France  for 
critically  important  research  in  the  summer  and 
autumn  of  1!)!)/,  a  trip  made  possible  by  a  grant 
from  Robert  and  Carole  McNeil  of  San  Francisco. 
For  all  of  their  help  with  loans,  organizational 
advice,  and  access  to  crucial  materials  in  their 
museum  archives,  I  am  especially  indebted  to  the 
staff  at  the  Musee  Picasso  in  Paris:  Gerard  Regnier, 
Director;  Brigitte  Leal,  former  Curator;  Helene 
Seckel,  Curator;  Dominique  Dupuis-Labbe, 
Curator;  and  Anne  Baldessari,  Curator  of  Arclm  es 
and  Library,  and  her  extremely  helpful  stall. 
especially  Sylvie  Fresnault.  From  staff  members 
at  the  Solomon  R.  Guggenheim  Museum  in  New 
York,  Robert  Rosenblum  and  1  enjoyed  invaluable 


cooperation  and  help,  but  I  especially  want  to 
thank  Thomas  Krens,  Director;  Lisa  Dennison, 
Deputy  Director  and  Chief  Curator;  Fiona  Ragheb, 
Assistant  Curator;  and  Diane  Dewey,  Administrative 
Assistant.  The  long  process  of  archival  and  bibli- 
ographic research  for  the  exhibition  was  greatly 
facilitated  by  the  helpful  cooperation  of  staff  at  the 
Library  and  Archives  of  the  Hoover  Institution  for 
War,  Revolution,  and  Peace  at  Stanford  University, 
who  also  lent  materials  to  a  historical  gallery  to 
provide  an  introduction  and  contextualization  for 
the  Picasso  exhibition,  and  the  Stanford  University 
Art  Library.  I  am  particularly  grateful  to  Elena 
Danielson,  Archivist  at  the  Hoover  Institution,  and 
Alexander  Ross,  Head  Librarian  at  the  Stanford 
University  Art  Library.  Of  course,  no  exhibition  is 
possible  without  the  participation  of  lenders.  To  the 
many  individuals  and  institutions  who  generously 
parted  with  valued  treasures  long  enough  for  them 
to  appear  in  the  exhibition,  we  are  profoundly 
grateful.  They  are  all  acknowledged  elsewhere  in 
this  catalogue. 

Certain  colleagues  who  played  particularly  key 
roles  in  the  conceptualization  and  development 
phases  deserve  special  recognition  and  thanks: 
to  Brigitte  Baer  (again)  for  giving  me  the  courage 
to  proceed  with  what  seemed  at  the  outset  to  be 
an  impossibly  difficult  project;  Maya  Widmaier 
Picasso,  for  sharing  with  me  her  memories  of 
life  with  her  father  during  the  Occupation;  Kirk 
Varnedoe,  for  assisting  with  loans  in  a  way  that 
went  far  and  beyond  the  call  of  duty;  Albert  Elsen, 
in  memoriam,  for  first  introducing  me  to  the 
depths  of  meaning  behind  Picasso's  Man  with  a 
Lamb;  Ichiro  Suyama,  for  the  extraordinarily  help- 
ful role  he  played  in  facilitating  loans  from  Japan; 
and  Carol  Nash,  who  helped  with  the  project  in 
untold  ways. 

The  following  all  assisted  with  research,  loan 
arrangements,  photography  procurements,  or  some 
other  aspect  of  the  project:  William  Acquavella, 
Doris  Ammann,  Alexander  Apsis,  Mami  Asano, 
Abigail  Asher,  Stephanie  Barron,  Felix  Baumann, 
Douglas  Baxter,  Martha  Beck,  Christoph  Becker, 
Heinz  Berggruen,John  Berggruen,  Ernst  Beyeler, 
Ivor  Braka,  Gilberte  Brassai,  Emily  Braun,  Elisa 


Breton,  Aldis  Browne,  Sven  Bruntjen,  Annette 
Biihler,  Andrew  Butterfield,  Whitney  Chadwick, 
Michel  Cohen,  Patrick  Cooney,  Elizabeth 
Cowling,  Bertrand  Davezac,  Kurt  Delbanco, 
Emmanuel  Delloye,  James  Demetrion,  Douglas 
Druick,  Philippe  Durey,  Claude  Duthuit,  Anne 
d'Harnancourt,  Caroline  de  Lambertye,  Guillermo 
de  Osma,  Laure  de  Gramont,  Yves  de  Fontbrun, 
Gilbert  Edelson,  Anne  Faggionato,  Sarah  Faunce, 
Richard  Feigen,  Michael  Findlay,  The  Honorable 
Thomas  Foley,  Kate  Ganz,  Tony  Ganz,  Carmen 
Gimenez  ,  Richard  Gray,  Harriet  Griffin,  Barbara 
Guggenheim,  Jose  Guirao,John  Herring,  Paul 
Herring,  Tonyjudt,  Mary  Kadish,  Shinji  Kohmoto, 
Edith  Kramer,  Jan  Krugier,  Anne  Lampe,  Quentin 
Laurens,  Duncan  MacGuigan,  Joshua  Mack,  Loi'c 
Malle,  Robert  Mnuchin,  Frederick  Mulder,  Martin 
Muller,  David  Nash,  Congresswoman  Nancy 
Pelosi,  Anthony  Penrose,  Robert  Pincus-Witten, 
Joachim  Pissarro,  John  Richardson,  Rona  Roob, 
Angela  Rosengart,  Nan  Rosenthal,  Cora  Rosevear, 
Margit  Rowell,  Bernard  Ruiz-Picasso,  Dodie 
Rosekrans,  Marc  Selwyn,  Remy  Squires,  Jeremy 
Strick,  Charles  Stuckey,  Masayuki  Tanaka,  Gary 
Tinterow,  Phyllis  Tuchman,  Ludwig  Ullmann, 
Gordon  VeneKlasen,  Doug  Walla,  Margit  and  Rolf 
Weinberg,  Michael  Werner,  Stephen  Wirtz,  James 
Wood,  and  Mary  Zlot.  To  each  and  every  individ- 
ual listed,  I  am  most  grateful.  To  anyone  I  have 
inadvertently  omitted,  I  offer  my  apologies  for 
the  oversight. 

Many  staff  members  at  the  Fine  Arts  Museums 
of  San  Francisco  have  worked  long  and  hard  on 
this  exhibition  and  catalogue.  I  am  deeply  grateful 
to  them  for  their  professionalism  and  dedication, 
and  for  the  team  spirit  with  which  they  approached 
the  project.  In  particular,  I  would  like  to  acknowl- 
edge the  following:  Kathe  Hodgson,  Director  of 
Exhibitions  Planning,  supervised  many  of  the  logis- 
tics of  exhibition  administration;  Karen  Kevorkian, 
Editor  of  the  Museums'  Publications  Department, 
copyedited  the  catalogue  and  managed  the  myriad 
details  of  its  production  in  collaboration  with  Ann 
Karlstrom,  Director  of  Publications  and  Graphic 
Design;  Exhibition  Assistants  Danny  Hobson  and 
Laurel  Fredrickson  provided  indispensable  help 


10 


with  historical  research,  compilation  of  loan  records 
and  photographs,  and  manuscript  preparation; 
Bill  White,  Exhibitions  Designer,  oversaw  the 
exhibition  installation,  and  Bill  Huggins,  Lighting 
Designer,  managed  the  lighting;  Therese  Chen. 
Director  of  Registration,  managed  the  assemblage 
of  loans  and  tour  arrangements,  including  details 
of  shipping,  couriers,  insurance,  and  National 
Indemnification;  Allison  Pennell,  Librarian,  tracked 
down  many  bibliographic  references;  Ron  Rick, 
Chief  Designer,  provided  the  exhibition  graphics; 
Vas  Prabhu,  Director  of  Education,  helped  organize 
the  ambitious  program  of  educational  activities 
connected  with  the  exhibition;  Carl  Grimm,  Head 
Paintings  Conservator,  and  others  on  the  conserva- 
tion staff,  including  Tricia  O'Regan,  Assistant,  pro- 
vided conservation  examinations  of  the  paintings 
and  worked  skillfully  to  return  certain  of  the  works 
in  the  exhibition  to  more  presentable  condition; 
Elisabeth  Cornu,  Objects  Conservator,  and  Debra 
Evans,  Paper  Conservator,  helped  with  conserva- 
tion and  installation  matters;  Barbara  Boucke, 
Director  of  Development,  and  Debbie  Small,  for- 
mer Development  Associate,  both  worked  on  rais- 
ing funds  for  the  exhibition;  Joseph  McDonald, 
Photographer,  provided  new  photography  for  the 
catalogue;  Suzy  Peterson,  Secretary  to  the  Chief 
Curator,  in  addition  to  assisting  with  the  prepara- 
tion of  catalogue  manuscripts,  helped  in  innu- 
merable tasks  connected  with  research  and 
documentation;  Pamela  Forbes,  Director  of  Media 
Relations,  and  Barbara  Traisman,  Media  Relations 
Officer,  coordinated  all  public  relations  and 
advertising  programs;  Sherin  Kyte,  Legion 
Administrator,  oversaw  logistics  at  the  California 
Palace  of  the  Legion  of  Honor,  where  the  exhibi- 
tion took  place  in  San  Francisco.  Michael  Sumner 
contributed  his  considerable  talent  to  the  design 
of  the  catalogue,  assisted  by  Melody  Sumner 
Carnahan;  meticulous  editorial  assistance  was  ren- 
dered by  Frances  Bowles  and  Sharon  Vonasch.  The 
skills  and  high  standards  of  all  of  these  individuals 
were  clearly  manifested  in  all  aspects  of  the  project. 

Of  course,  the  exhibition  would  not  have  been 
possible  without  the  generous  financial  support  of 
several  sponsors.  For  their  underwriting  and  the 


confidence  they  showed  in  our  proposals,  we 
are  most  grateful  to  the  National  Endowment 
for  the  Arts  and  the  National  Endowment  for 
the  Humanities,  Federal  agent  ies,  and  for 
indemnification  of  the  exhibition,  to  the  Federal 
Council  on  the  Arts  and  Humanities. 

Steven  a   Nash 

Wu<  i.itc  Diim  iih  and  ( 'hid  (  uratoi 
I  in.    \un  Museums  <il  San  I  rani  isi  o 


1 1 


A  '$■'■ 


I 

'A 


Introduction: 
Picasso,  War,  and  Art 


Steven  A.  Nash 


.  .  .  artists  who  live  and  work  with  spiritual 
values  cannot  and  should  not  remain  indifferent 
to  a  conflict  in  which  the  highest  values  of 
humanity  and  civilization  art  at  risk. 
-Picasso  to  tho  Ann-:  u  .in  At  lists'  Congress,  I!1  17 

No,  painting  is  not  made  to  decorate  apartments. 
It  is  an  offensive  and  defensive  instrument 
of  war  against  the  enemy. 

-Picasso  to  Sunonc  Terv,  I1)  15 


Wa 


'ar  as  a  subject  rarely  makes  for 
great  art.  The  horrifying  reality  of 
humans  slaughtering  humans  too  easily  over- 
whelms artistic  efforts  to  witness  or  memorialize 
such  events,  rendering  trivial  the  results.  One  thinks 
of  Goya,  Delacroix,  Callot,  and  Rubens  as  artists  of 
earlier  epochs  who  managed  to  convey  the  pain, 
loss,  and  degradation  of  war  in  ways  forever  com- 
pelling. In  the  twentieth  century,  this  "era  of  vio- 
lence," as  Churchill  put  it,  where  war  has  reached 
previously  unimaginable  dimensions  of  destruction, 
the  challenge  to  artists  is  more  important  but  more 
daunting  than  ever.  Society  relies  most  commonly 
on  the  chilling,  on-the-spot  immediacy  of  photog- 
raphy and  film  to  feed  its  collective  understanding 
and  memory  of  war.  We  must  ask  if  it  is  really  possi- 
ble for  sculptors  or  painters  to  take  the  measure  of 
horrors  such  as  Dachau  or  Hiroshima. 

Picasso,  for  the  most  part,  did  not  try.  Aside 
from  his  great  Guernica  of  1937  and  Charnel  House 
of  1945-46,  which  respond  respectively  to  the 
savage  Nazi  bombing  of  a  Basque  town  and  to 
news  of  the  German  concentration  camps,  his  work 
from  the  war-torn  years  of  1937  to  1945  essentially 
ignores  specific  world  events.  Yet  no  other  artist  of 
the  twentieth  century  left  so  sustained  and  moving 


a  visual  record  of  the  corrosive  effect  of  war  on 
the  human  spirit  and  its  toll  on  human  life.  His 
achievement  was  to  create  a  modern  alternative  to 
history  painting.  As  he  explained  to  an  American 
war  correspondent  who  sought  him  out  at  his 
studio  in  Paris  just  days  after  its  liberation: 

/  have  not  painted  the  war  because  I  am  not  the 
kind  of  painter  who  goes  out  like  a  photographer  for 
something  to  depict.  But  I  have  no  doubt  that  the 
war  is  in  these  paintings  I  have  done.  Later  on  per- 
haps the  historians  will  find  them  and  show  that 
my  style  has  changed  under  the  war's  influence. 
Myself  I  do  not  know.1 

His  "style,"  in  fact,  did  not  change  dramatically  to 
accommodate  this  new  expressive  task.  The  basics 
of  the  visual  vocabulary  he  employed  throughout 
the  war  years  -  the  stylizations,  spatial  disruptions, 
deformations  of  natural  form,  and  coloristic 
choices  -  are  evidenced  in  one  way  or  another  in 
earlier  work.  What  changed  were  the  degrees  of 
exaggeration  to  which  Picasso  pushed  them  and 
the  personal  messages  they  served.  Through  a 
repertoire  of  traditional  themes  -  still  life,  portrai 
ture,  landscape,  and  the  nude  -  Picasso  referenced 


13 


the  war  in  ways  often  oblique  but  powerful.  A  dark 
mood  entered  his  work,  not  totally  unrelieved 
by  brighter,  more  hopeful,  and  even  humorous 
moments,  but  tending  toward  a  bleak,  dimly  lit 
world  of  contorted  forms,  claustrophobic  spaces, 
and  grayed-down  colors,  in  which  recurring  icono- 
graphies build  a  picture  of  life  strained  to  the  brink 
of  survival  and  beyond.  As  Picasso  put  it,  in  a 
typically  trenchant  remark  about  his  expressive 
language  during  the  war  years,  "you  see,  a  casse- 
role too  can  scream."'  Through  his  treatment  of 
quotidian  subjects,  refracted  through  the  lens  of 
private  trauma,  he  captured  a  portrait  of  an  era 
that  rises  above  the  strictly  personal  to  comment 
memorably  on  life  in  the  shadow  of  war  and  the 
spiritual  negativism  that  resulted,  when  traditional 
religion  was  futile  and  the  ancient  furies,  all  too 
alive  for  Picasso,  wreaked  havoc  on  humanity.  The 
more  narrowly  autobiographical  or  hermetic  focus 
of  much  of  Picasso's  art  at  this  point  expands  into 
a  give-and-take  with  history  and  an  interaction 
with  momentous  world  events. 

THE  POLITICALIZATION  OF  PICASSO'S  ART 

Picasso's  productivity  during  the  years  1937-45 
remained  surprisingly  high,  despite  the  social 
upheavals  going  on  around  him.  Throughout  the 
Spanish  Civil  War,  which  he  experienced  only  from 
a  distance,  his  routines  of  work  and  relaxation  fol- 
lowed long-established  patterns,  with  most  of  the 
fall,  winter,  and  spring  seasons  spent  in  Paris  and 
summers  on  the  Riviera.  Early  in  1937  he  estab- 
lished a  new  studio  in  the  seventeenth-century 
mansion  at  7,  rue  des  Grands- Augustins  (fig.  1),  but 
he  also  continued  to  live  and  work  at  his  apartment 
at  23,  rue  La  Boetie  for  several  more  years  and  to 
make  occasional  visits  to  his  studio  in  Ambroise 
Vollard's  home  at  Le  Tremblay-sur-Mauldre.  Even 
after  the  outbreak  of  World  War  II,  during  the  twelve 
months  Picasso  spent  in  the  coastal  town  of  Royan 
and  the  four  years  in  occupied  Paris,  he  continued 
to  turn  out  work  with  accustomed  profusion. 


page! 

Pablo  I'll  asso 

Still  Life  with  /Hood  Sausage  (detail) 
10  Mav  1941.  Cat  no.  \>. 


Although  he  went  through  certain  periods  when  he 
produced  little  or  nothing,  the  overall  record  is 
remarkable.  His  cataloguer  Christian  Zervos  lists 
over  2,200  paintings  and  drawings  for  the  nine  years 
spanning  the  Spanish  Civil  War  and  World  War  II, 
and  Zervos's  compilation  is  far  from  exhaustive. 

Clearly,  the  psychological  stress  of  the  times 
actually  stimulated  Picasso's  creative  instincts 
rather  than  blunting  them.  He  had  ample  opportu- 
nity to  leave  France  before  and  after  its  invasion  by 
Germany  in  June  1940,  but  chose  not  to.  Although 
this  decision  was  made  more  out  of  passivity  than 
any  heroic  instinct  —  "I'm  not  looking  for  risks  to 
take,"  he  told  Francoise  Gilot,  "but  in  a  sort  of 
passive  way  I  don't  care  to  yield  to  either  force  or 
terror"'  -  it  submitted  him  to  the  difficulties  of  life 
in  France  under  the  Occupation,  with  the  normal 
hardships  of  food  and  fuel  shortages,  blackouts, 
and  curfews,  exacerbated  by  Picasso's  status  as  a 
foreigner  and  a  "degenerate"  artist  who  was  subject 
to  regular  Nazi  surveillance.  The  intriguing  but 
complex  and  only  partially  known  story  of 
Picasso's  position  vis-a-vis  the  Occupation  regime 
will  be  surveyed  later.  Of  primary  importance  is 
the  fact  that  making  art  constituted  for  Picasso,  in 
and  of  itself,  a  declaration  of  free  will  and  a  sign 
of  human  perseverance.  His  subject  matter  was 
not  ostensibly  antiwar  or  anti- German.  It  did  not 
"scream  out  the  truth,"  as  one  Resistance  writer  in 
Paris  exhorted  her  fellow  writers  to  do.'  Given  the 
scrutiny  under  which  he  worked,  expressing  too 
blatantly  political  a  message  would  have  been 
foolhardy  for  Picasso  even  if  he  were  inclined  to  a 
more  activist  role,  which  he  was  not,  and  efforts  by 
some  writers  to  make  of  him  a  Resistance  worker 
greatly  exaggerate  the  facts.  But  in  its  own  way, 
his  work  became  a  private  resistance  effort,  one 
that  carried  strong  symbolic  value  for  friends  and 
other  artists  trapped  within  the  same  excoriating 
circumstances.  Through  its  inward  journey,  it 
opens  a  unique  window  onto  the  trauma  of  war 
and  the  pressures  of  life  in  occupied  Paris. 

The  radicalization  of  Picasso's  art  that  led  to  this 
unique  chronicle  can  be  traced  to  the  intensifying 
political  situation  in  Europe  in  the  mid- 1930s. 
Although  much  debate  has  centered  on  the  issue 


14      PICASSO,  WAR,  AND  ART 


of  political  and  social  meanings  in  Picasso's 
earlier  art,  and  while  it  must  be  recognized  that 
such  meanings  do  exist  to  varying  degrees,  it  also 
must  be  acknowledged  that  they  are  distinctly 
understated  and  are  far  from  the  type  of  "instru- 
ment of  war  against  the  enemy"   that  Picasso 
eventually  prescribed.  It  is  wise  to  keep  in  mind 
Roland  Penrose's  observation  that  the  "the  lan- 
guage of  politicians  was  as  foreign  to  him  as  the 
speech  of  distant  tribes."   All  of  that  changed  in 
the  mid-1930s. 

As  Hitler  solidified  his  power  in  Germany,  social 
unrest  increased  dramatically  in  France  and  Spain 
alike,  becoming  particularly  widespread  during  the 
short  reign  of  the  Popular  Front  governments  in 
both  countries.  From  February  1936  to  Franco's 
military  mutiny  in  July  that  precipitated  the 
Spanish  Civil  War,  Picasso's  homeland  experi- 
enced 1 13  general  strikes,  218  partial  strikes,  and 
the  burning  of  over  200  churches  and  newspapers. 
Picasso's  sensitivity  to  the  deteriorating  political 
situation  in  Europe  was  more  acute  than  it  had 
been  in  similar  situations  in  the  past.  Undoubtedly 
this  was  due  in  part  to  Spain's  involvement  but  it 
was  also  perhaps  attributable  to  his  closer  align- 
ment with  the  Communist  Party  through  respected 
friends  who  were  members,  and  his  growing  con- 
viction that  the  Communists  were  an  important 
revolutionary  force  against  some  of  the  social 
evils  he  cared  most  about.  This  conviction  was 
cemented  by  the  strong  antifascist  support  the 
Communist  Party  threw  behind  the  Republican 
government  in  the  civil  war,  which  eventually,  in 
fact,  dominated  the  Loyalist  effort.  As  is  frequently 
pointed  out,  Picasso's  Composition  with  Minotaur,  a 
gouache  from  28  May  1936  that  provided  a  curtain 
design  for  Romain  Rolland's  play  Le  14  juillel 
(page  70,  fig.  1),  translates  political  sentiment  into 
a  mythological  scene  featuring  a  dead  or  dying 
minotaur  held  by  a  fearsome  griffin-headed  preda- 
tor (read  "fascism").  A  slightly  later  study  from 
18  June  (page  71,  fig.  2)  brings  the  focus  resound- 
ingly up-to-date  with  the  presence  of  a  throng  of 
protesters  who  assault  a  burning  building,  brandish 
the  hammer  and  sickle,  and  exhort  one  another 
with  raised  fists."  Numerous  other  works  from  1936 


Eugene  Atgel,  Huh!  Anlonu  Duprat,  7  rut  des  Grands-Augustins  (future 
apartment  and  studio  of  Pablo  Picasso]  ca.  1900.  Albumen  silvei  print, 

S  <6  in.  21. (>x  l(>  cnvi  The  Museum  of  Modern  An.  New  York, 
Abbot-Levy  Collection,  partial  gift  ol  Shnlev  ('.  liurden.  Cop\  print 
I     1998  The  Museum  of  Modern  Art,  New  Vnk 


express  a  sociopolitical  awareness  beneath  the  veil 
of  mythologized  subjects  and  the  recurring  themes 
of  death,  sacrifice,  and  destruction.  Particularly 
significant  is  Picasso's  killing  of  the  minotaur,  his 
alter  ego  through  whom  he  had  unleashed  over 
the  years  so  much  basic  instinctual  passion,  from 
bestiality  and  lust  to  tender  love.  In  April  1936, 
Picasso  had  his  minotaur  pack  up  and  move, 
pulling  a  handcart  behind  him.    In  several  later 
compositions,  he  is  slain  in  combat  or  in  sports 
arenas."1  Clearly,  Picasso's  worlds,  internal  and 
external,  were  changing. 

One  of  the  earliest  works  in  which  this  general- 
ized ennui  became  more  specifically  focused  is  the 
intriguing  Figure  of  28  January  1937  cat.  do.  3  . 
In  three  drawings  from  this  date,  Picasso  put  on 
display  an  amply  endowed,  fashionably  dressed 


Ml  \  IN  A.  NASH      IS 


woman  with  a  grotesquely,  phallically  distorted 
face."  In  Figure,  she  is  immobilized  like  a  man- 
nequin on  an  upright,  tripod  prong  aimed 
menacingly  at  her  sex,  while  she  tongue-kisses  a 
black-masked,  putrid  sun  (the  soleil  pourri  of 
surrealist  fame).  In  her  hands  she  holds  a  banner 
on  which  are  drawn  the  two  arms  of  a  drowning 
victim,  while  she  ignores  the  plight  of  the  creature 
actually  drowning  at  her  side.  Given  Picasso's 
patriotic  loyalties,  might  not  this  scenario  be  best 
interpreted  as  la  France,  a  vain  but  impotent  and 
hypocritical  consort  of  evil,  who  by  its  non- 
interventionist  policies  ignored  the  plight  of  the 
Spanish  Republicans?12 

Such  a  polemical  reading  is  credible  given  the 
seething  attack  on  Franco  and  his  pillaging  Fascist 
troops  that  Picasso  delivered  several  weeks  before 
in  his  etchings  entitled  the  Dream  and  Lie  of  Franco 
(cat.  no.  2).  This  set  of  serial  images,  made  to  be 
cut  up  and  sold  as  postcards  or  as  a  folio  in  support 
of  the  Spanish  Refugee  Relief  Campaign,  has  its 
iconographical  roots  in  pictorial  traditions  of  reli- 
gious and  military  processions,  to  which  Goya 
among  many  others  importantly  contributed. n 
Picasso's  title  represents  another  memory  of  Goya, 
recalling  the  Dream  of  Lies  and  Inconstancy  in 
Los  Caprichos.  While  it  is  often  commented  that 
Picasso's  prints  may  take  a  cue  from  political  car- 
toons common  in  the  French  newspapers  of  the 
day  or  from  the  traditional  Spanish  aleluyas,u  his 
long-standing  admiration  for  Alfred  Jarry  and  the 
scatological  mayhem  of  the  Ubu  plays  surfaces 
here  as  well.1'  The  tuberous,  polyplike  form  that 
Picasso  gave  Franco  bears  a  striking  resemblance 
to  the  strange  creature  in  Dora  Maar's  1936  photo- 
graph of  Pere  Ubu.u'  When  Alfred  Barr  wrote  to 
Picasso  in  1945  asking  him  if  Franco  in  these  etch- 
ings had  been  inspired  by  Ubu,  his  secretary  Jaime 
Sabartes  wrote  back  that  "II  affirme  s'etre  inspire 
par  l'ETRON,"  meaning  roughly  that  Picasso 
affirmed  the  influence  of  "the  old  turd."17 

Similarities  have  been  pointed  out  between 
Franco  and  some  of  Jarry's  own  illustrations  of  his 
iconoclastic  protagonists,  and  those  of  other  artists 
seem  relevant  as  well  (see  fig.  2),  although  Picasso 
had  prefigured  the  tuberous  form  of  Franco  in 


Pierre  Bonnard,  drawing  of  Pere  Ubu  from  the  Almanack  illustre  du  Pere  Ubu 
(XXe  siecle),  (Paris:  Ambroise  Vollard,  1901). 


drawings  as  early  as  April  and  May  of  1936. IS 
Picasso  worked  on  the  two  plates  for  the  etch- 
ings in  early  January  and  again  in  June,  after  the 
Nazi  bombing  of  Guernica,  adding  at  that  time 
the  four  final  images  that  relate  to  his  painting  on 
this  other  subject.  The  narrative  that  the  images 
describe  is  not  precisely  clear,  and  the  poem  that 
Picasso  appended  to  the  set  does  not  shed  much 
light  on  its  meaning.  The  overall  message,  how- 
ever, is  unmistakable.  In  Franco's  persona  of 
crowned  ugliness,  his  slaying  of  horses  and  con- 
frontation with  a  bull  (Picasso's  typical  symbols  of 
the  Spanish  people  and  tradition),  his  destruction 
of  beauty  both  in  the  forms  of  a  classicized  monu- 
ment and  a  beautiful  young  girl,  and  his  hypocriti- 
cal invocation  of  religious  mission,  he  emerges  as 
emblematic  of  the  evil  of  the  military,  church,  and 
monarchy  all  in  one,  a  traitor  to  Spanish  tradition 
and  a  destroyer  of  its  culture  and  people. 

Given  the  vehemence  of  this  attack,  it  is  surpris- 
ing that  Picasso,  when  asked  around  the  middle  of 
January  1936  by  the  Republican  government  to 
prepare  a  mural  for  the  Spanish  Pavilion  that  was 
due  to  open  in  May  at  the  World's  Fair  in  Paris, 
chose  at  first  a  nonpolitical  theme.  The  earliest 


16     PICASSO,  WAR,  AND  ART 


sketches  he  prepared  for  the  project  date  from  IS 
and  If)  April.  They  show  that  he  reverted  at  first  to 
the  standard,  politically  benign  theme  of  an  artist 
and  his  model  in  a  studio,"  although  in  two  of 
these  sketches  Picasso  appended  a  raised  arm  hold- 
ing a  hammer  and  sickle  to  the  body  of  his  earlier 
sculpture  called  the  Orator,  indicating  that  the 
theme  of  protest  was  also  on  his  mind.  That  so 
few  drawings  exist  from  this  stage  of  work  reveals 
both  that  Picasso  was  procrastinating  and  that  he 
remained  indecisive  and  uninspired  over  how  to 
fill  the  dauntingly  large  canvas  (almost  11%  by  26 
feet)  that  was  expected  of  him. 

The  saturation  bombing  of  the  Basque  town  of 
Guernica  and  its  civilian  population  by  the  Nazis' 
Condor  Legion  on  26  April  provided  Picasso  the 
meaningful  theme  he  previously  lacked.  It  was  a 
subject  grounded  in  the  immediacy  of  horrifying" 
world  events  but  rich  in  potential  for  a  humanistic 
protest  against  the  senseless  violence  of  war  in 
general.  He  set  to  work  with  remarkable  energy. 
His  first  sketches  date  from  1  May,  when  the  news 
of  what  happened  in  Guernica  was  still  echoing  out 
in  sometimes  contradictory  news  accounts,  and  he 
turned  over  his  completed  canvas  to  the  organizers 
of  the  Spanish  Pavilion  a  little  more  than  a  month 
later,  well  before  the  delayed  opening  of  the 
pavilion  on  12  July.20 

The  story  of  Picasso's  development  of  his  com- 
position through  many  drawings  and  different 
stages  of  work  on  the  canvas  is  well  known,  and 
the  final  painting  has  been  analyzed  from  many 
points  of  view.  In  the  present  volume,  Gertje  Utley 
examines  the  complicated  political  tensions  among 
differing  factions  and  loyalties  within  the  Repub- 
lican cause  at  this  time,  and  questions  Picasso's 
precise  political  motivation.  Robert  Rosenblum 
shows  how  Goya,  as  an  ever-present  influence  on 
Picasso  during  the  war  years,  figured  significantly 
among  the  many  sources  he  drew  upon  in  con 
structing  his  great  vision  of  terror  and  destruction, 
and  how  his  imagery  ferociously  subverts  traditional 
Catholic  iconography.  For  a  survey  of  Picasso's  over- 
all wartime  production,  Guernica  (pages  40-41,  fig.  1) 
clearly  is  a  landmark  achievement  that  spawned 
many  ideas  he  further  developed  and  that  opened 


the  \\a\  for  much  ol  the  work  that  followed, 

The  stark  grisaille  palette  ol  the  painting,  fo] 
example,  that  contributes  so  much  to  its  nocturnal 
eeriness  and  helps  raise  it  from  the  arena  of  actual, 
colorful,  organic  life  into  a  realm  of  abstract  icon, 
very  early  set  the  tone  of  drab  gravness  permeating 
many  of  Picasso's  wartime  paintings  and  drawings. 
Although  foreshadowed  in  certain  earlier  works, 
and  undoubtedly  influenced  by  black-and  white 
photographs  and  new  si  eels,  this  absence  of  color 
became  a  main  signifier  in  Picasso's  work  during 
the  war  years,  connoting  a  long,  purgatorial  winter 
of  the  soul  that  continued,  in  fact,  although  less 
insistently,  into  the  difficult  postwar  years  of  recon 
sanction.  Several  emblematic  images  in  the  paint 
ing  -  the  crying  woman,  the  largely  disembodied 
bull's  head,  the  pointed  tongue  as  a  sign  of 
anguish,  the  torturously  distorted  hands  and  feet  - 
have  long  afterlives  in  other  works.  Perhaps  most 
importantly,  the  imagery  has  a  complex,  multilevel 
quality  that  avoids  direct  description  and  defies 
easy  interpretation,  another  salient  feature  of 
Picasso's  wartime  production.  To  a  journalist 
visiting  him  just  after  the  liberation  of  Paris  he 
suggested  specific  symbolic  meanings  for  the  horse 
and  bull,  while  to  Alfred  Barr  Picasso  insisted  that 
they  were  just  a  horse  and  just  a  bull. "  Such  mas- 
terworks  from  the  years  that  follow  as  Woman  with 
a  Cock,  L'Aubade,  Charnel  House  (cat  no.  82),  and 
Man  with  a  Lamb  (cat.  no.  ()()),  have  a  similar  com- 
bination of  gripping  visual  imagery  and  elusive  or 
multivalenced  meaning.  Although  specific 
connotations  such  as  sacrifice,  isolation,  fear, 
or  suffering  may  be  communicated,  Picasso's 
approach  is  always  intuitive  rather  than  program- 
matic, and  therefore  a  single,  unequivocal  reading 
of  his  symbolism  is  rarely  possible.  Ambiguit)  ga\  e 
Picasso  the  desired  effect  of  leaving  freedom  of 
interpretation  to  the  public.  It  does  not  matter  that 
a  viewer  of  Guernica  may  be  unfamiliar  with  the 
history  of  Nazi  involvement  in  the  Spanish  Civil 
War,  or  that  the  bull  in  Guernica  can  be  interpreted 
alternatively  as  victim  or  aggressor.  The  true  mean- 
ing of  the  painting  is  lifted  out  of  space  and  time 
coordinates  in  the  civil  war  to  become  a  summa 
on  all  wars  and  all  victims. 


STEVKN  A.  NASH      17 


Picasso's  preoccupation  with  tragedy  in  Guernica 
gave  way  after  its  completion  to  themes  of  a  more 
lighthearted  nature  —  landscapes,  still  lifes,  portraits 
of  friends  and  family  —  but  he  also  continued  to 
express  his  sentiments  about  the  war  in  Spain, 
primarily  through  his  long  series  of  paintings  and 
graphics  on  the  theme  of  the  Weeping  Woman  (see 
cat.  nos.  7-11,  14).23  A  famous  group  of  prints  on 
the  subject,  featuring  images  with  both  autobio- 
graphical and  political  associations,  dates  from 
early  in  July  1937.  They  are  often  referred  to  as 
portraits  of  Dora  Maar,  who  had  become  Picasso's 
mistress  and  was  regularly  present  in  his  studio 
during  work  on  Guernica  —  she  photographed  its 
seven  main  stages  of  development  —  and  whose 
high-strung  emotionalism  caused  Picasso  to  think 
of  her  as  "always  .  .  .  weeping." ''  They  also  hark 
back,  however,  to  events  in  Spain.  Picasso's  crying 
woman  is  undoubtedly  the  release  of  his  own 
lament  for  all  the  pain  and  suffering  experienced 
by  the  populace  of  Spain,  his  own  family  included. 
Barcelona,  where  Picasso's  mother  and  sister  lived, 
was  a  center  of  the  Republican  movement  that 
became  one  of  the  main  theaters  of  action.  It  is 
possible  to  tie  the  image  of  the  weeping  woman  to 
the  news  Picasso  received  from  his  mother  about 
street  disturbances  in  the  civil  outbreaks  of  May 

1937,  which  described  the  way  that  smoke  from 
fires  made  her  eyes  tear  and  nearly  asphyxiated  the 
family.' '  That  Picasso's  father  had  made  one  of  the 
sculptural  mater  dolorosae  so  common  in  Spain, 
complete  with  glass  tears,2''  a  work  the  family  kept 
for  many  years,  must  have  increased  for  the  artist 
the  poignancy  of  the  crying  motif  and  its  associa- 
tions with  home.  Brigitte  Baer  has  also  shown  that 

a  work  as  seemingly  apolitical  as  the  large  print 
Woman  with  a  Tambourine  (cat.  nos.  25,  26),  with  its 
self-conscious  borrowings  from  Poussin's  Bacchanal 
before  a  Herm  and  Degas's  bathers,  also  couches 
veiled  references  to  contemporary  events,  in 
particular,  the  street  fighting  in  Spain.27 

BETWEEN  THE  WARS 

The  war  in  Spain  continued  into  1939,  but  the 
tide  had  turned  against  the  Republicans  by  spring 

1938.  While  Picasso  generously  supported  various 


relief  efforts  with  cash  and  the  donation  of  works, 
feeling  on  a  deeply  personal  level  his  country's 
tragedy,28  the  civil  war  tended  to  become  a  more 
distant  referent  in  his  art  from  late  1937  onward. 
In  this  period,  leading  up  to  the  outbreak  of  World 
War  II  in  September  1939,  his  work  settled  into  a 
state  of  uneasy  quietude,  during  which  images  of  a 
seemingly  pleasurable  character  —  brightly  painted 
seated  women,  bathing  scenes,  domestic  genres  - 
were  balanced  by  still-life  compositions  that 
contemplate  such  major  themes  as  death,  the  arts, 
culture,  and  civilization.  Frequently,  however, 
even  his  more  outwardly  hedonistic  compositions 
feature  a  highly  stylized  distortion  or  a  dense  inter- 
weave of  pattern  and  weblike  lines  that  convey 
confinement,  entrapment,  or  tense  emotional 
states.  Together  with  the  still  lifes,  the  gathering 
malaise  in  such  works  corresponds  to  the  deteriora- 
tion of  the  political  situation  in  Europe  as  the 
continent  plunged  toward  total  war.  The  culminat- 
ing expression  of  this  distress  is  the  great  Night 
Fishing  at  Antibes  (fig.  4  and  cat.  no.  31).  On  the 
one  hand,  it  is  an  innocent  scene  of  two  pretty 
girls  watching  men  fishing  at  night  by  the  light 
of  lanterns,  and  on  the  other,  it  is  an  apocalyptic 
vision  of  bursting  bombs,  death,  and  erotic  fervor. 
Three  outstanding  still-life  paintings  in  this  vol- 
ume display  the  syncretistic  thinking  on  themes 
of  life  and  death  that  characterize  this  period:  Still 
Life  with  Palette,  Candlestick,  and  Head  of  a  Minotaur 
from  4  November  1938  (cat.  no.  23),  Still  Life 
with  Candle,  Palette,  and  Black  Bull's  Head  from 
19  November  1938  (cat.  no  24),  and  Bull's  Skull, 
Fruit,  and  Pitcher  horn  29  January  1939  (cat.  no.  27). 
Sobering  notes  of  memento  mori  infuse  all  three 
through  the  decapitated  heads  of  the  bull  and 
minotaur  (neutralized  into  sculptures  on  bases) 
and  the  desiccated  bull's  skull.  As  iconographical 
and  compositional  counterpoints  to  these  emblems 
of  death,  Picasso  stationed  candles  in  two  of  the 
works,  the  irradiating  light  offering  a  vision  of 
illumination  and  hope.  In  the  third,  he  provided  a 
juxtaposition  of  ripe  and  glowing  fruit,  a  colorful 
pitcher,  and  a  tree  in  blossom,  all  talismans  of 
regenerative  life.  Open  books  surmounted  by 
palettes  and  brushes  proclaim  the  powerful  life 


18      PICASSO,  WAR,  AND  ART 


force  of  the  arts.  The  colors  in  all  three  tend 
toward  a  high-keyed,  even  garish  range  of  blue, 
green,  yellow,  and  red,  another  sign  of  Picasso's 
basically  optimistic  expectations  of  the  triumph  of 
good  over  evil  and  life  over  death. 

Such  works  as  the  Seated  Woman  of  29  August 
1!)38,  and  the  two  drawings  of  Bathers  with  Crab 
and  Three  Figures,  horn  10 July  and  10  August  lf)38, 
respectively  (cat.  nos.  21,  1!),  20),  exemplify  the 
linear  constriction  often  seen  in  Picasso's  figure 
style  during  these  years.  The  entire  pictorial  space 
is  enmeshed  in  a  fine  web  of  lines  and  pattern.  In 
the  two  drawings,  Picasso's  compulsive  covering 
of  all  forms  and  even  open  spaces  with  dark  lines 
from  his  sharp-tipped  pen  is  particularly  suggestive 
of  the  webbing  of  a  fishing  net.  The  painting  of  the 
Seated  Woman  is  a  riot  of  intersecting  patterns  of  line 
and  color  tightly  confined  within  the  surrounding 


i  [i , 

Pablo  Picasso,  Woman  with  a  Cock,  15  Februar)  1938  Oil  on  canvas, 

56     •  16      in     ill  ■  lis..")  (in    I'm  .He  i  ollc(  uon,  Switzerland. 


architectural  frame.  From  the  upwardl)  spiraling 

forms  of  the  basket  weave  torso,  echoed  in  the 
baskctlike  hat,  to  the  harshl)  outlined  facial 
features  and  the  flattened  Linearity  of  hair  and 
dress,  ever)  component  is  jostled  into  motion. 
accentuated  by  the  hot,  sunstruck,  Mediterranean 
colors.  The  subjects  all  relate  to  relaxed  summei 
time  pleasures,  and  recall  earlier  times  in  l'u  asso's 
life  and  work  when  the  political  atmosphere  was 
less  strained.  But  the  horror  vacuioi  their  constnn 
tion  hints  at  psychological  rumblings  below  the 
hedonistic  surface. 

This  double  edge  in  Picasso's  work  from 
1938-39  is  particularly  apparent  in  his  two  master- 
pieces of  the  period.  Woman  with  a  Cockoi  15 
February  1!)38  and  Night  Fishing  at  Antibes,  finished 
just  before  Germany  invaded  Poland  (figs.  3-1  . 
In  the  former,  the  somewhat  moronic  appearance 
of  the  woman  holding  the  rooster  (it  is  often 
remarked  that  her  features  resemble  Picasso's  at 
this  time  of  his  life)  is  at  first  disarming.  Gradually, 
however,  the  brutishness  of  the  image  makes  itself 
felt  through  the  figure's  elephantine  head,  hands, 
and  legs,  the  tight  grip  on  the  bird,  and  the  proffer- 
ing of  a  cup  to  catch  the  sacrificial  blood,  all 
intensifying  the  anticipation  of  a  ritualistic  killing. 
The  woman  takes  on  more  and  more  the  identitv 
of  a  seated  priestess  whose  plying  of  death  is 
routine  and  heartless. 

Such  imagery  provides  a  clue  to  the  true  mean 
ing  of  the  large  Night  Fishing  at  Antibes,  a  work  thai 
has  been  analyzed  from  almost  as  main  different 
interpretive  points  of  view  as  Guernica.    B\  now, 
it  seems  clear  that  it  is  far  more  than  the  innocent 
summer  idyll  or  an  exposition  of  heatedlv  sexual 
gamesmanship  that  some  authors  suggest. 
Especially  when  considered  in  the  context  of 
earlier  and  later  war-related  works,  it  looms  as 
a  haunting  prophecy  of  impending  doom. 

The  painting  was  started  inauspiciously  enough. 
In  strolls  around  the  quays  of  Antibes  with  Dora 
Maar,  Picasso  had  witnessed  scenes  of  fishermen 
working  in  their  boats  in  the  harbor  at  night, 
spearing  fish  lured  to  the  water's  surface  b\  the 
bright  light  of  their  lanterns.  This  motif  became 
Picasso's  point  of  departure.  At  the  right  side  ol 


STEVEN  A.  NASH      1" 


FIG.  4 

Pablo  Picasso,  Night  Fishing  at  Antibes,  August  1939.  Oil  on  canvas, 
81  x  136  in.  (205.7  x  34.5.4  cm).  The  Museum  of  Modern  Art,  New  York 
Mrs.  Simon  Guggenheim  Fund.  €>  1997  The  Museum  of  Modern  Art, 
New  York.  Cat.  no.  31. 


Nicolaes  Berchem,  Landscape  with  Crab  Catchers  by  Moonlight,  1645. 
Oil  on  canvas,  23  %  x  31'/^  in.  (60.3  x  80  cm).  Courtesy  of  Trafalgar 
Galleries,  London. 


the  composition,  he  inserted  two  brightly  dressed 
young  women  standing  along  the  ramparts  of  the 
harbor,  identified  by  Dora  Maar  as  herself  and 
her  artist  friend  Jacqueline  Lamba,  wife  of  Andre 
Breton."  In  the  background  to  the  left  can  be  seen 
two  towers,  one  from  the  chateau  Grimaldi,  later  to 
become  the  Musee  Picasso,  and  the  other  a 
nearby  bell  tower.32 

It  has  been  suggested  that  the  composition  may 
owe  something  to  a  boating  scene  of  Bathers  in  the 
Louvre  attributed  to  Nicolaes  Maes,13  but  a  closer 
parallel  is  found  in  a  painting  by  Nicolaes  Berchem 
entitled  Landscape  with  Crab  Catchers  by  Moonlight 
(fig.  5),  widely  known  through  engravings  by 
Dancker  Danckerts  and  Francois  Denis  Nee.34  The 
symbolism  of  fishermen  in  a  boat,  of  course,  has 
particularly  strong  Christian  connotations.  One 
pictorial  example  of  this  tradition  that  could  have 
attracted  Picasso's  attention  is  the  fresco  of  the 
Miraculous  Draft  of  Fishes  in  San  Pedro  de  Sorpe  in 
Catalonia,  published  by  Picasso's  close  friend 
Christian  Zervos  in  1937  in  his  book  on  Catalonian 
art  (fig.  6).35  Picasso's  general  interest  in  early 
Catalonian  art  is  well  documented,  and  further 
comparisons  can  be  drawn,  for  example,  between 
the  flattened,  simplified  rendering  of  the  fish  and 
crab  in  Night  Fishing  and  denizens  of  the  deep 
in  the  Apocalypse  tapestry  in  the  Cathedral  of 
Girona,  also  published  by  Zervos.  ' 


The  relevance  of  Christian  teachings  of  the 
Apocalypse  and  Christ  the  fisherman,  with  its 
converse  reference  of  Christ  as  fish  and  sacrificial 
victim,  takes  on  greater  probability  in  light  of 
Picasso's  distinct  interpretive  twist  on  his  subject. 
His  nighttime  lighting,  shot  through  with  blacks, 
dark  blues,  and  purples,  has  its  own  deeply  omi- 
nous effect.  The  lights  around  the  boat  do  not  just 
glow,  but,  rather,  explode  with  light,  much  like 
shells  bursting  in  air.  The  two  fishermen,  one  leer- 
ing over  the  edge  of  the  boat  and  the  other  poised, 
about  to  drive  his  four-pronged  spear  into  a  fish, 
have  a  savage,  menacing  quality.  And  the  thrusting 
of  the  spear,  highlighted  in  the  lower  center  of  the 
composition,  provides  the  central  theme  visually 
and  figuratively,  summoning  thoughts  of  sudden 
death  from  above  that  we  cannot  help  but  link  to 
the  menace  of  wartime  bombardment.  Even  the 
two  girls  become  caught  up  in  the  frenzy  of  explo- 
sive emotion.  As  if  the  message  behind  the  one  on 
the  right  obscenely  licking  the  double  ice-cream 
with  her  pointed  tongue  were  not  clear  enough, 
Picasso  represented  her  head  as  a  giant  phallus, 
perhaps,  as  he  had  many  times  in  the  past,  correlat- 
ing sex  and  violence,  ecstasy  and  death.  Another 
note  on  mortality  is  sounded  by  the  triangular  flut- 
tering moths  that  swarm  around  the  boat,  attracted 
to  their  deaths  by  the  light  of  the  lamps.  These 
brightly  lit  creatures  and  the  lamps,  too,  seem  to  be 


20     PICASSO,  WAR,  AND  ART 


Mfttt 


Miraculous  Draft  of  Fnht\   detail  ,  from  San  l'edro  dr  Snipe,  12th  i  enlun 
Fresco.  Museu  National  d'Arl  de  C'atalunva,  Barcelona. 


as  much  celestial  bodies  as  earthly  objects,  adding 
to  the  scene  another  portentous  quality  of  some- 
thing "read  in  the  stars." 

The  largest  canvas  Picasso  painted  for  many 
years  after  Guernica,  Night  Fishing  at  Antibes  is  also 
one  of  the  most  telling  documents  of  his  own  fears 
of  war  and  the  ferocity  of  aerial  bombardment.  It 
is  an  amazingly  prescient  anticipation  of  the  blitz- 
krieg about  to  be  unleashed  on  Europe. 

THE  HOLOCAUST  BEGINS:  PICASSO  IN  ROYAN 

That  Picasso  was  expecting  the  political  situation  in 
Europe  to  deteriorate  further  in  \\)M  is  shown  by 
his  dispatch  of  Marie-Therese  and  Maya  to  summer 
in  the  coastal  town  of  Royan,  north  of  Bordeaux. 
Not  only  was  Royan  distant  from  possible  military 
targets,  it  also  was  well  situated  if  a  sudden  exodus 
from  France  by  boat  were  deemed  necessary.  Just 
a  few  days  after  returning  to  Paris  from  Antibes, 
Picasso  himself  departed  for  Royan  with  his 
chauffeur  Marcel,  Sabartes  and  his  wife,  Dora 
Maar,  and  his  dog  Kazbek. 

Provincial  life  generally  did  not  agree  with 
Picasso,  at  least  in  large  doses,  but  he  would  remain 


in  Royan  for  almost  a  year,  with  fairl)  frequent  nips 
back  to  Paris  to  keep  in  touch  with  developments 
there.  Except  for  occasional  landscapes  oi  works 
based  on  personal  experience,  such  as  the  draw  ings 
inspired  by  Picasso's  observations  oi  horses  being 
led  along  rural  roadways  for  the  dismal  prospects 
of  military  service,38  his  work  in  Royan  isnol  place- 
specific.  Instead,  starting  almost  immediatel)  aftei 
his  arrival,  it  mirrored  through  familiar  subject 
matter  a  new  depth  of  despair  and  anguish  that 
connects  directly  to  the  outbreak  of  World  War  II. 
This  work  set  the  tone  of  Picasso's  output  for  the 
next  several  years. 

In  an  album  of  drawings  Picasso  began  on  30 
September,  the  first  pages  are  devoted  to  grim 
sketches  of  a  flayed  sheep's  head,  which  lead  com- 
positionally  to  the  large  ink  drawing  of  1  ( )ctober 
(cat.  no.  34).M  Isolated  in  inky  blackness,  monu- 
mental in  presence  and  unflinching  in  its  portrayal 
of  cold,  hard  lifelessness,  this  drawing  introduces  a 
series  of  still-life  compositions  with  skulls  that  date 
mostly  from  early  in  the  Royan  period  (cat.  nos. 
34-37).  Whereas  Picasso  had  moderated  his 
memento  mori  subjects  from  \9'AH  with  the  hope- 
filled  symbols  of  books,  palettes,  and  candles,  these 
still  lifes  dating  after  the  outbreak  of  World  War  II 
are  single-mindedly,  unremittingly  concerned  with 
one  subject  -  death.  Skulls  either  bleached  white. 
or  red  with  the  blood  of  flesh,  are  shown  singly, 
or  combined  with  a  slab  of  meat,  or  piled  with  an 
insouciant  disregard  of  balance  that  mocks  even 
more  the  dumb  victims  of  recent  violence.  Devoid 
of  any  interrupting  details,  the  surrounding  spaces 
in  these  works  sometimes  have  a  glow  of  hot  red 
or  orange  that  increases  even  more  their  emotional 
intensity.  In  their  starkness,  these  works  relate  back 
to  Goya's  still-life  paintings  of  butchered  animal 
parts  and  Cezanne's  compositions  of  skulls."  For 
Picasso,  they  mark  the  first  of  a  lengthy  series  of 
varied  works  on  the  motif  of  the  skull,  both  animal 
and  human,  that  runs  throughout  the  war  years 
and  provides  a  primary  vehicle  of  expression. 

Stylistically,  these  Royan  still  lifes  displax  a 
generally  harsh  or  purposefulK  crude  drawing  oi 
form  and  paint  handling  that  reinforces  the  blunl 
ness  of  message.  Another  st\  listic  and  iconographic 


si  I  \  IN  A.  NASH      21 


Pablo  Picasso,  Sketches  of  Heads  and  Skulk,  1940.  Pencil  on  paper,  8%  x  7'k 
in.  (22  x  19.1  cm).  Private  collection. 


departure  of  the  period  is  the  darkly  limned,  tortur- 
ous deformations  of  female  anatomy  that  set  in, 
embodying  the  distorting,  transformative  powers 
of  wartime  emotion.  In  a  relaxed  mood,  when  he 
was  drawing  his  young  daughter  Maya,  for  exam- 
ple, Picasso  might  reprise  a  delicately  classicizing 
mode  from  earlier  years."  Generally,  however,  the 
women  in  his  art  from  this  time  take  on  a  mon- 
strous quality,  with  heads  reworked  into  dog  faces 
or  skulls  and  bodies  verging  more  toward  skeletons 
or  cadavers  than  living  creatures.  In  some  sketches 
(e.g.,  fig.  7),  we  seem  to  witness  the  evolution  of  a 
relatively  naturalistic  head  into  a  ghastly  skull-like 
incubus.  In  reporting  to  Daniel-Henry  Kahnweiler 
an  anecdote  about  one  such  work,  Picasso  admitted 
the  subconscious  proddings  behind  them:  "When 
the  Germans  arrived  in  France,  I  was  in  Royan, 
and  one  day  I  did  a  portrait  of  a  woman  .  .  .  and 
when  the  Germans  arrived  a  few  days  later,  I 


saw  that  the  head  resembled  a  German  helmet."42 
Such  distortions  look  back  to  Picasso's  work 
from  the  late  1920s,  when  surrealism  rose  as  a 
powerful  influence  on  his  art  and  he  responded 
with  inventive  female  anatomies  meant  more  to 
menace  than  to  please.  In  the  wartime  period, 
however,  Picasso  somehow  makes  us  feel  that  his 
figures  are  actually  distorted  humans  rather  than 
fictive,  fully  imaginary  creations.  The  powerful 
disorientations  that  can  result  are  evident,  for 
example,  in  the  famous  Woman  Dressing  Her  Hair 
in  the  Museum  of  Modern  Art  (fig.  8).  Picasso  here 
revisited  a  motif  found  repeatedly  in  his  work  in 
images  of  self-absorbed  bathers,  one  that  comes 


FIG.  8 

Pablo  Picasso,  Woman  Dressing  Her  Hair,  June  1940.  Oil  on  canvas, 
51  V.  x  38  '/,  in.  (130.2  x  97.2  cm).  The  Museum  of  Modern  An, 
New  York,  Louise  Reinhardt  Smith  Bequest  i     1998  The  Museum 
of  Modern  Art,  New  York. 


22     PICASSO,  WAR,  AND  ART 


ultimately  from  a  long  tradition  of  depictions  of  the 
Birth  of  Venus  (see  fig.  9).  Nineteenth-century  aca 
demic  artists  such  as  Adolphe-William  Bouguereau 
and  Louis  Perrault  had  rendered  the  image  of 
Venus  wringing  her  hair  as  a  sugary  cliche,1    but 
Picasso  gave  it  the  force  of  a  battering  ram. 

As  we  can  now  trace  in  Picasso's  Royan  sketch- 
books, this  composition  began  early  in  If)  10  with 
a  series  of  lithe,  Matissian  drawings  of  a  nude  with 
her  arms  raised,  but  by  1  I  March  it  had  evolved 
into  a  far  more  contorted  form."  Further  studies  for 
the  figure  date  from  3-8 June  HMO,'   and  a  final 
overall  sketch,  which  may  actually  postdate  the 
painting,  is  inscribed  H)  June  (fig.  10)."  As  William 


Rubin  has  pointed  out,  the  purpose  ol  the  extreme 
transfigurations  in  the  imposing  bather  that  Picasso 
finally  committed  to  canvas  was  "to  suggest  psy<  hi* 

conflict  through  somatic  dislocation."     Confined 
within  a  tight,  cell  like  space  and  illuminated 
against  nighttime  shadows  b\  an  a  it  i  lie  ial  raking 
light,  she  looms  powerfully,  taking  on  all  at  once 
the  personae  of  prisoner,  victim,  and  oppressor. 
She  is  a  mountain  ol  llcsh,  but  in  Picasso's  cold 
light  seems  to  be  as  much  carved  stone  as  organi* 
matter.  Her  exposed  ribs  on  one  side  suggest  star 
\ation,  while  the  massiveness  of  her  elephantine 
legs,  huge  abdomen,  and  tumescent  head  and  breasts 
lend  her  brute  force.  It  has  to  be  remembered  that 


v   i 


FIG   9 

Louis  Perrault,  Venus,  ca,  1890.  Reproduction  in  Salon  <L  1890, 
catalogue  illustri. 


FIG    I" 

Pablo  Picasso.  s/.,/,/im  nf  \iulis.  p»  |imc  I'M"   Pen,  ink.  and  ink 
wash  on  paper,  16     ■  II       in     i1  n    Musei   Picasso,  Paris 

M  P  1880,  folio  UK 


si  I  \  IN  A.  NASH      .'  I 


Picasso  worked  on  his  canvas  at  the  same  time  that 
Hitler  was  overrunning  the  Low  Countries  and 
crossing  into  France.  Nightmares  were  coming  true; 
to  his,  Picasso  gave  flesh  and  bones. 

Another  good  indication  of  the  despair  and 
shock  that  for  Picasso  accompanied  the  outbreak 
of  war  is  found  in  such  rapid  notebook  sketches  as 
those  seen  in  figure  1 1  and  on  page  63,  figure  9. 
Both  come  from  a  sketchbook  dated  30  September 
to  29  October  1939,  now  in  the  Musee  Picasso.'" 
The  latter  shows  a  thick  web  of  lines  somewhat 
similar  to  those  in  certain  drawings  from  the  late 
1920s,  when  Picasso  was  beginning  to  conceive 
linear  sculptures  made  from  armatures  of  wire  or 
welded  rods.  Here,  the  hint  of  a  figure  inhabits  the 
web,  but  it  is  absorbed  into  a  flurry  of  disorienting 


Pablo  Picasso,  Sketch  of  a  Woman  Holding  a  Sheep's  Skull,  October  1939. 
Pern  il  'in  paper,  8  !  -  6"/i6in.  (21.7  x  17  cm).  Musce  Picasso,  Paris. 
M.P.  1990-  in,  folio  51R. 


vectors  and  contradictory  perspectives  that  build  to 
a  sense  of  all-enveloping  chaos.  In  the  other  sketch, 
Picasso  produced  his  own  variation  on  a  traditional 
religious  theme  that  can  be  read  as  a  gruesome 
Mother  and  Child  or  perhaps  Mary  Magdalen  con- 
templating a  skull  (see  fig.  13).  The  woman  holds 
on  her  lap  the  skull  of  a  sheep  wrapped  inauspi- 
ciously  in  newspaper.  The  large  lace  or  ruffled  collar 
suggests  seventeenth-century  attire,  and  the  styliza- 
tions  of  the  figure  again  express  Picasso's  interest  in 
Romanesque  art  (compare  fig.  12),  although  the 
radio  and  buffet  in  the  background  make  it  clear 
that  this  is  really  a  contemporary  drama.  To  add  a 
darkly  bitter  and  sardonic  note,  Picasso  shows  the 
woman  wiggling  her  fingers  through  one  eye  socket 
and  the  open  jaw  of  the  victimized  sheep.  If  any  reli- 
gious significance  resided  in  the  motif  for  Picasso,  it 
could  only  have  been  the  mocking  of  Christ  and, 
with  it,  Christian  promises  of  salvation. 

PICASSO  IN  OCCUPIED  PARIS 

Picasso  could  easily  have  fled  France,  had  he 
chosen  to  do  so.  Specific  offers  to  help  him  emi- 
grate came  from  Mexico  and  the  United  States,  but 
perhaps  the  thought  of  all  the  difficulties  involved 
in  relocating  himself,  his  art,  and  all  the  significant 
others  in  his  life  discouraged  him  from  taking 
action.  At  any  rate,  he  had  decided  by  the  summer 
of  1940  to  remain  in  France,  and  on  23  August  he 
left  Royan  to  return  permanently  to  Paris,  Marie- 
Therese  and  Dora  Maar  following  soon  after.  For 
a  long  while,  Picasso  split  his  time  between  his 
apartment  in  the  rue  La  Boetie  and  studio  in  the 
rue  des  Grands- Augustins.  Since  travel  across  Paris 
had  become  more  difficult  with  the  Occupation, 
he  finally  transferred  completely  to  the  rue  des 
Grands-Augustins,  probably  by  early  1942.  Dora 
Maar  lived  around  the  corner  in  the  rue  de  Savoie, 
and  he  installed  Marie-Therese  and  Maya  in  an 
apartment  a  short  walk  across  the  river  on  the 
boulevard  Henri-IV.  His  son  Paulo  was  living  in 
Switzerland  under  the  watchful  eye  of  Bernhard 
Geiser,  but  his  wife  Olga,  from  whom  he  had 
separated  in  1935,  remained  in  Paris,  at  least  at 
first,  despite  Picasso's  efforts  to  persuade  her  also 
to  relocate  to  Switzerland. 


24      PICASSO,  WAR,  AND  ART 


Ml.    13 

1.1  (in-iii.  Flu  Repentant  Magdalen,  ca.  1577  Oil  on  canvas,  I-' 

10K  x   ll)|    ii  in  Wim  eslei  Ail  Museum.  W'oicestei.  Massachusetts, 
museum  purchase. 


Mother  and  Child,  vltax  front,  Spanish.  Catalan,  12th  century.  Fresco  detail 

Picasso's  activities  in  occupied  Paris,  and  his 
conduct  vis-a-vis  the  Occupation  regime,  have 
been  the  subject  of  much  conjecture,  supporters  at 
one  end  of  the  spectrum  trying  to  make  of  him  a 
Resistance  hero  and  critics  at  the  other  attempting 
to  tar  his  reputation  with  accusations  of  collabora- 
tion." Neither  extreme  is  accurate.  Although 
Picasso's  biography  during  the  Occupation  still 
remains  an  incomplete  mosaic,  based  on  scattered 
documentation  and  often  secondhand  reports,  an 
overall  picture  has  begun  to  emerge.  It  provides 
the  image  of  an  artist  who  tried  to  survive  as  best 
he  could  in  order  to  continue  his  work.  Picasso 
remained  active  in  certain  social  and  cultural 
circles,  but  attempted  to  keep  a  low  profile  to 
avoid  attracting  attention  from  those  authorities 
in  whose  eyes  he  was  a  degenerate,  foreign  art  i  si 
linked  more  than  any  other  figure  to  subversive, 
even  "Jewish"  factions  of  modern  art     Picasso 
lived  under  the  oppressive  weight  of  German  sin 
veillance,  manifested  most  blatantly  by  occasional 
searches  of  his  studio  bv  Nazi  soldiers.  He  was 


even  summoned  like  other  citizens  to  register  for 
the  Service  de  travail  obligatoire  (STO),  which 
could  have  resulted  in  his  transfer  to  German)  for 
work  as  a  laborer.  '  It  is  clear  that  Picasso's  finan- 
cial well  being  allowed  for  privileges  that  eased  the 
discomfort  of  life  made  grim  by  Occupation  short- 
ages, and  that  his  status  as  a  famous  artist  respected 
around  the  world  brought  from  certain  quarters 
a  favoritism  that,  although  difficult  to  identify 
precisely  in  terms  of  source,  helped  on  occasion 
to  keep  him  safe.  In  general,  however,  he  sought  to 
heed  the  advice  of  his  friend  Andre-Louis  Dubois 
and  try  to  "remain  invisible."'' 

The  public  life  of  culture  and  the  arts  in  occupied 
Paris  was  more  plentiful  than  might  be  assumed. 
A  look  at  the  entertainment  pages  of  a  wartime 
newspaper  such  as  Comoedia,  for  example,  reveals 
just  how  lively  the  cultural  world  remained,  with 
numerous  concerts,  theatrical  presentations,  art 
exhibitions,  and  films  playing  at  an)  one  time. 
The  artistic  content  was  decidedlv  conservative, 
and  the  criticism  that  accompanied  it  marked!) 
right  wing,  but,  on  the  surface  at  least,  an  air 
of  normality  prevailed,  even  it  much  of  the 


Ml  \  l-N  A.  NASH      U 


patronage  came  from  Occupation  forces. 

Picasso's  role  in  this  cultural  scene  obviously 
diminished  from  prewar  levels,  but  remained 
significant.  Books  about  him  continued  to  appear, 
despite  stringent  censorship  by  the  Germans, 
including  Picasso:  Seize  peintures  1939-1943,  with 
text  by  Robert  Desnos,  which  came  out  late  in 
1943,  and  the  second  volume  of  Christian  Zervos's 
catalogue  raisonne,  which  appeared  in  1942. 
Picasso  provided  illustrations  to  several  books  of 
poetry  and  essays  published  during  the  war,  such 
as  Georges  Hugnet's  La  Chevre-Feuille  (Paris,  1943) 
and  Robert  Desnos's  Contree  (Paris,  1944).  To  the 
underground  surrealist  publication  La  Main  a 
plume,  he  supplied  financial  support,  illustrations, 
and  a  photograph  of  Head  of  a  Bull  for  the  cover  of 
the  summer  1942  issue.  The  dealer  Martin  Fabiani 
had  taken  over  plans  for  the  publication  of  Picasso's 
illustrations  to  Buffon's  Histoire  naturelle  after 
Vollard's  death  in  1939,  and  managed  to  bring  this 
famous  project  to  fruition  in  1942.  Picasso  also 
published  the  occasional  print,  as  with  the  Galerie 
Louise  Leiris  edition  of  Combat  in  the  Arena  in  1943 
(cat.  no.  12).  Works  by  Picasso  came  up  at  public 
auction,  sometimes  fetching  huge  prices,  and  con- 
trary to  what  is  often  reported,  paintings  by  Picasso 
frequently  appeared  in  exhibitions  in  wartime 
Paris. i3  Picasso  himself  claimed  that,  owing  to  a 
request  from  the  Spanish  embassy  for  an  interdic- 
tion, the  Occupation  authorities  prohibited  him 
from  exhibiting  publicly,  and  an  often  repeated 
story  tells  of  the  forced  removal  from  public  view 
of  a  painting  by  Picasso  during  an  opening  at  the 
Galerie  Charpentier. ''  But  while  it  is  true  that  no 
one-man  exhibition  took  place,  his  works  could  be 
seen  in  many  shows  around  the  city,  and  a  fairly 
extensive  behind-the-scenes  commerce  took  place 
with  his  art,  as  Michael  FitzGerald  discusses  in  his 
essay  in  this  book.  Moreover,  Picasso's  name  fre- 
quently appeared  in  the  art  press,  most  often  as  a 
target  for  reactionary  diatribes  by  collaborationist 
critics  but  occasionally  in  more  positive  invoca- 
tions of  his  work  as  a  standard  of  achievement. 

In  his  private  life,  Picasso  also  was  far  from 
reclusive.  Sabartes  and  Brassai  provide  vivid 
accounts  of  the  many  visitors  to  Picasso's  studio." 


He  occasionally  went  to  the  cinema  and  theater 
and  frequented  the  cafes  around  his  quartier  on  the 
Left  Bank,  usually  running  into  friends  such  as  the 
Zervoses  or  Paul  Eluard  and  his  wife  Nusch.  He 
dined  with  friends  almost  every  day  at  his  favorite 
restaurants,  Le  Catalan  in  the  same  street  as  his 
studio  and  the  nearby  Le  Savoyard.  He  was  visited 
frequently  by  expatriate  Spaniards,  and  his  circle 
of  friends  and  acquaintances  included  many  of  the 
most  prominent  writers,  poets,  and  cultural  figures 
of  the  day,  some  of  them  active  to  varying  degrees 
in  the  Resistance  movement,  and  some  of  them, 
like  Jean  Cocteau,  collaborators.  The  cast  of  partic- 
ipants for  the  reading  of  Picasso's  play  Le  De'sir 
attrape  par  la  queue  in  March  1944,  and  the  audi- 
ence that  turned  out  to  listen,  is  a  who's  who  of  the 
Parisian  art  and  literary  worlds. '"  He  could  afford 
the  luxury  of  a  private  secretary  (not  that  he  paid 
Sabartes  highly),  abundant  art  supplies,  black- 
market  chateaubriands  at  Le  Catalan,  and,  it 
seems,  adequate  supplies  of  coal.  With  the  help  of 
friends  he  was  able  to  accomplish  some  unlikely 
Occupation-era  feats,  such  as  the  casting  into 
bronze  of  several  large  sculptures  at  a  time  when 
bronze  was  not  only  in  short  supply  but  also  was 
confiscated  by  the  Germans  as  metal  to  support 
their  war  industry.'7 

Although  Picasso  was  able  to  maintain  a  degree 
of  normality  in  his  life,  the  war  was  always  present. 
He  felt  direct,  personal  dangers  posed  by  the 
Occupation.  He  was  summoned,  for  example,  to 
reveal  to  German  officials  the  contents  of  his  bank 
vault. ,H  Less  well  known  is  the  fact  that,  while 
Picasso  was  living  in  Royan,  the  Spanish  embassy 
in  Paris  (where  officials  considered  Picasso  an 
enemy  due  to  his  anti-Franco  stance)  posted  notices 
at  both  his  apartment  in  the  rue  La  Boetie  and  stu- 
dio in  the  rue  des  Grands-Augustins,  claiming  these 
properties  for  the  protectorship  of  the  embassy. '' 
Although  Picasso  showed  both  loyalty  and  resolve 
by  attending  the  funerals  of  his  Jewish  friends 
Chaim  Soutine  and  Max  Jacob,'"  he  was  not  some- 
one with  great  personal  courage  when  faced  with 
threats  from  police  or  government  agencies,  and 
the  prospect  of  enlistment  by  the  STO  must  have 
been  truly  terrifying.  Certainly,  any  visit  he 


26      PICASSO,  WAR,  AND  ART 


received  at  his  studio  by  German  troops  was  alarm 
ing.  Francoise  Gilot  and  Andre-Louis  Dubois 
reported  that  they  witnessed  some  of  these  visits, 
when  searches  were  made  of  the  studio  and  works 
damaged.    Gilot  tells  of  repeated  German  harass- 
ment under  the  pretext  of  searches  for  the  sculptor 
Jacques  Lipchitz.  And  while  Picasso  himself  was 
not  always  reliable  about  such  details,  he  told  one 
interviewer  just  after  the  liberation  of  Paris  that  the 
last  German  visitation  had  been  only  weeks  before."-' 

Attacks  in  books  and  the  press  by  collabora- 
tionist, anti-Semitic  writers  such  as  John  Hemming 
Fry  and  Fritz  Rene  Vanderpyl  would  have 
contributed  to  this  oppressive  atmosphere.63  In  his 
19  VI  book  LArt  sans  patrie,  un  mensonge:  Le  pinceau 
d 'Israel,  a  Fascist  diatribe  against  Jewish  artists  and 
their  purportedly  damaging  effects  on  modern  art, 
Vanderpyl  made  Picasso  a  special  target  by  deceit- 
fully implying  Jewish  roots  through  his  use  of  a 
Picasso  painting  as  his  frontispiece!  And  Picasso's 
former  friend  Maurice  de  Vlaminck,  in  his  famous 
article  vilifying  Picasso  in  the  6  June  1!)42  issue  of 
Comoedia,  voiced  the  increasingly*  common  insinua- 
tion that  Picasso  and  his  work  were  somehow 
linked  to  the  metaphysics  of  the  Kabala  and 
Talmud. "  That  Picasso  had  no  Jewish  blood  in  his 
family,  and  had  to  attest  to  this,  like  everyone  else, 
when  renewing  his  identity  papers,  did  not  deter 
his  detractors.  Such  attacks,  however,  may  have 
made  him  uneasy  over  the  safety  of  his  mistress 
Dora  Maar,  who  is  said  to  have  been  half  Jewish. 

In  the  politically  complex  position  that  Picasso 
occupied  in  wartime  Paris,  might  such  pressures 
have  caused  him  to  exercise  what  influence  he  had 
for  self  protection?  There  is  little  doubt  that,  on 
certain  occasions,  one  authority  or  another  stepped 
forward  to  assist  him.  The  threatened  seizure  of  his 
property  by  the  Spanish  government  passed  with- 
out any  known  explanation.  In  the  case  of  the  even 
more  consequential  summons  by  the  STO,  we 
again  have  no  record  of  how  Picasso  was  able  to 
avoid  complying,  although  possibly  his  age  -  in 
1943  he  was  over  the  sixty-year-limit  placed  on 
workers  —  had  much  to  do  with  it.  Picasso's  friend 
Maurice  Toesca,  who  worked  in  the  office  of  the 
prefecture,  assisted  with  the  renewal  of  his  identity 


papers  when  Picasso  wanted  to  avoid  alerting  the 
Germans  and  the  Spanish  embass)  b)  following 
normal  procedures,  but  loesca  was  powerless  at 

higher  bureaucratic  levels.'    ( )ne  possible  source  oi 
assistant  e  was  the  ( in  man  sculptor  Arno  Breker,  a 
Nazi  favorite  whose  retrospective  in  Paris  in  19  [2 
became  a  showcase  of  National  Socialist  aesthetic  s 

and  fawning  collaborationist  enthusiasm.  In  Ins 
memoirs,  slanted  by  self-sen  ing  claims  of  s\  mpatln 
for  the  French,  Breker  takes  credit  for  protecting 
Picasso  when  he  was  accused  of  supplying  mone) 
to  the  Communists  in  Spain  and  to  Russia  through 
Denmark.     And  Picasso  also  was  on  speaking 
terms  with  the  two  German  officers  Ernst  Jiinger 
and  Gerhard  Heller,  both  cultured  men  who  paid 
unwelcome  but  unavoidable  visits  to  Picasso's 
studio.'    The  old  story  of  a  visit  from  the  German 
ambassador  Otto  Abet/.,  to  whose  question  about 
Guernica  -  "Did  you  do  that?"  —  Picasso  supposed!) 
answered,  "No,  you  did,"  is  apocryphal.  s 

Given  Picasso's  hatred  of  fascism  and  fear  of 
entanglement  with  government  officials,  it  is  highK 
unlikely  that  he  would  have  sought  any  assistance 
directly,  but  his  friends,  especially  Cocteau,  might 
have  appealed  to  German  authorities  on  his  behalf. 
Picasso  always  "kept  his  dignity,"  as  Zervos  later 
put  it.  The  perception  of  compromise,  however, 
fueled  rumors  of  collaboration,  lending  a  note  of 
credibility  to  the  old  notion  that  Picasso's  good 
friends  in  the  Communist  Party  such  as  Aragon 
and  Eluard  later  recruited  him  as  a  member  and 
pushed  him  into  the  epuration  proceedings  parti)  to 
erase  any  possible  confusion  over  his  wartime  con 
tacts.'"  Against  those  who  might  tar  his  reputation 
come  the  equallv  indefensible  claims  that  he 
played  an  active  role  with  the  Resistance  or  used 
his  art  as  an  aggressive  propaganda  agent.  Picasso 
was  a  survivor.  To  survive  was  to  work,  which  to 
him  was  all  important,  and  this  sheer  determina- 
tion took  on  for  fellow  artists  and  friends  in  Pans 
an  inspiring  heroic  value,  a  symbolism  that  spread 
alter  the  Liberation  to  a  much  broader  realm. 
Jacques  Prevert  spoke  gratefull)  of  Picasso's 
decision  to  stav  in  Paris  as  "an  act  of  courage," 
and  Louis  Parrot  wrote,  "SoIeK  b\  his  presence 
among  us,  he  gave  hope  to  those  who  would 


si  I  \  IN  A.  NASII 


have  ended  up  doubting  our  chances  of  survival," 
adding  that  his  example  warranted  the  thanks  of 
all  the  intellectuals  and  artists  of  France.'1  The 
acknowledgment  that  Christian  Zervos  wrote  of 
Picasso's  inspirational  role  during  the  war  is  even 
more  revealing  and  moving  for  its  frankness.  To 
correct  inflated  reports  of  Picasso's  involvement 
with  the  Resistance,  Zervos  wrote  to  Alfred  Barr: 

Everything  that  has  been  recounted  is  bad  journal- 
ism and  for  the  most  part  false.  The  anecdotes  are 
false.  The  participation  of  Picasso  in  the  Resistance  is 
false.  Picasso  simply  preserved  his  dignity  during  the 
Occupation,  as  millions  of  people  here  did.  But  he 
never  got  involved  in  the  Resistance.  Consider  that  his 
work  in  itself  is  the  greatest  form  of  resistance,  not 
only  against  an  enemy  but  against  millions  of  pre- 
tentious imbeciles.  .  .  .  Do  not  let  yourself  be  influ- 
enced by  nonexistent  heroics.  There  were  heroes  in 
France,  but  they  either  paid  with  their  lives  or  ask 
that  there  be  silence  for  their  actions?1 

When  an  opportunity  for  public  exposure  of  what 
Picasso  had  actually  produced  during  the  war  finally 
came  with  the  Liberation  of  Paris  in  August  1944, 
critical  reception  of  the  work  had  to  contend  with 
unusual  forces.  Picasso's  international  renown  was 
suddenly  greater  than  ever,  but  based  on  publicity 
rather  than  art.  His  new  work,  which  had  not  been 
widely  seen,  held  surprises  even  for  his  supporters, 
and  strong  political  factors  also  came  into  play. 

Fighting  had  barely  subsided  in  the  streets  of 
Paris  when  Picasso  returned  to  his  studio  in  the 
rue  des  Grands-Augustins  from  Marie-Therese's 
apartment  on  the  Right  Bank,  where  he  had  spent 
the  last  days  of  the  conflict.  While  there,  he 
produced  his  personal  celebration  of  the  street 
fighting  and  Liberation,  an  interpretive  copy  of 
Poussin's  Triumph  of  Pan  (figs.   22-23). 7'  Almost 
immediately,  Allied  soldiers  and  war  correspon- 
dents began  to  stream  to  Picasso's  studio  to  meet 
him  and  pay  their  respects.  Interviews  quickly 
appeared  in  publications  as  varied  as  Art  Digest, 
Vogue  (with  wonderful  photographs  by  Lee  Miller, 
see  figure  14),  The  New  Statesman  and  Nation,  and 
the  San  Francisco  Chronicle.7* 


Just  weeks  after  the  Liberation,  the  artist  Andre 
Fougeron,  a  member  of  the  French  Communist 
Party  and  a  Resistance  worker,  started  develop- 
ing plans  to  honor  Picasso  at  the  1944  Salon 
d'Automne,  to  become  known  popularly  as  the 
Liberation  Salon."  Such  an  exhibition  offered  the 
perfect  opportunity  to  celebrate  Picasso's  work  and 
also  the  symbolic  values  of  free  will  and  persever- 
ance against  oppression  for  which  it  had  come  to 
stand,  and  the  artist  personally  selected  seventy- 
four  paintings  and  five  sculptures  to  show,  all  from 
recent  years.  A  likely  subtext  eventually  accompa- 
nying the  plan  was  a  capitalization  on  Picasso's 
prestige  to  further  the  cause  of  the  Communist 
Party.  Although  Picasso  had  not  yet  committed 
himself  to  membership,  at  least  not  publicly,  it  is 
more  than  coincidental  that  his  enlistment  and  its 
announcement  took  place  with  much  fanfare  on 
October  4  and  5,  timed  to  precede  the  opening 
of  the  Salon  d'Automne  by  just  one  day.7'1 

The  plans  laid  by  party  officials  in  league  with 
certain  of  Picasso's  friends  succeeded  probably 


in,  n 

Lee  Miller  with  Pablo  Picasso  in  his  studio  in  the  rue  des  Grands- 
Augustins,  August  or  September  HI  1 1.  Photograph  b\  Lee  Miller. 


28     PICASSO,  WAR,  AND  ART 


more  than  they  dared  hope.  The  story  is  now  well 
known  of  the  anti-Picasso  manifestation  staged  in 
the  Salon  galleries  by  a  gang  of  mostly  student- 
aged  visitors,  spurred  by  a  combination  of  reac- 
tionary objections  to  Picasso's  aesthetics  and 
politics,  in  which  numerous  paintings  were  actually 
taken  down  from  the  walls.  Political  views  aside, 
Picasso's  wartime  art  would  have  come  as  a  shock 
to  many  Parisians  who  were  not  overly  familiar 
with  his  work  in  general,  let  alone  the  tormented 
vision  of  recent  years,  made  even  more  aggressive 
by  comparison  with  the  pallid  niceties  seen 
throughout  most  of  the  rest  of  the  Salon.  In  a  rapid 
countermanifestation,  other  young  people  agreed 
to  stand  guard  in  the  galleries.  Letters  of  praise  for 
Picasso  from  Le  Front  national  des  etudiants  and 
Comite  national  des  ecrivains  appeared  in  the 
media,  and  various  critics  chimed  in  with  support 
for  Picasso  and  his  political  stance.77  Simulta 
neously,  Picasso  received  publicity  in  the  newspa- 
pers for  his  contributions  to  various  benefit  events 
and  participation  in  epuration  proceedings  against 
collaborationist  artists. 7S  His  celebrity  reached  new 
heights,  and  the  "parti  aux  75,000  fusilles,"  as  the 
Communist  Party  became  known  in  reference  to  its 
Resistance  losses,  had  scored  a  strategic  coup.7" 

Not  surprisingly,  truly  objective  discussion  of  the 
pros  and  cons  of  Picasso's  wartime  production  had 
little  chance  in  this  heated  atmosphere,  and  critical 
debate  tended  to  polarize  around  two  opposite 
positions:  fawning  acceptance  by  political  sympa- 
thizers and  vehement  rejection  by  aesthetic  conser- 
vatives or,  worse,  those  who  saw  Picasso  and  his 
art  as  antithetical  to  the  purity  of  true  French  tradi- 
tions, so  important,  thcv  would  say,  to  uphold  and 
promote  at  this  time  of  national  reinvigoration.*" 
Various  vehicles  arose,  however,  to  spread  the 
news  of  his  new  work  internationally.  Stories  about 
Picasso  at  the  Salon  d'Automne,  such  as  that  by 
G.  H.  Archambault  that  appeared  in  the  New  York 
Times  Magazine  on  '29  October,  often  carried  illus- 
trations of  recent  production."1  The  courageous  and 
resourceful  Christian  Zervos  was  able  to  publish  by 
the  end  of  1!>  1  I  the  latest  edition  of  Cahiers  d'Art 
(vols.  15-19,  1940-44),  celebrating  the  work  artists 
had  done  during  the  war,  with  special  emphasis  on 


Picasso.  An  exhibition  of  Peintures  recentes,  accom 
panied  by  a  major  catalogue,  took  place  at  the 
Galerie  Louis  Carre  in  June  19  1~>,  and  an  impoi 
tant  exhibition  pairing  recent  paintings  b\  Picasso 

with  work  l>\  Matisse  opened  at  the  Victoria  and 
Albert  Museum  in  London  in  December  1945. 

The  storm  of  controversy  that  this  latter  show 
provoked  in  London,  where  protagonists  were  far 
removed  from  the  political  agendas  surrounding 
Picasso  in  Paris,  illustrates  just  how  troubling  the 
grim,  raw  nature  of  Picasso's  wartime  work  could 
be.  In  one  characteristic  attack  on  the  exhibition, 
the  critic  Michael  Ayrton  wrote: 

His  pictures  are  now  uniformly  dung-coloured.  .  .  . 
Picasso  has  in  fact  ceased  to  practice  oil  painting  as 
a  craft,  and  any  other  medium  would  have  done  as 
well  for  these  pictures.  .  .  .  He  is  now  engaged  upon 
the  intellectual  activity  of  flogging  his  own  cliches  to 
death  with  one  dirty  brush. 

Other  critics  rushed  to  Picasso's  defense."  In  the 
exhibition  catalogue,  a  thoughtful  assessment  of 
the  work  bv  Zervos  set  it  clearly  into  context: 

J  J 

It  is  because  he  had  the  power  to  compel  himself  to 
reduce  his  awareness  of  the  absolute  to  a  temporal 
plane  that  Picasso,  through  the  events  and  struggles  of 
this  time,  has  been  conscious  of  so  many  of  our  great- 
est problems.  .  .  .  [H]e  represents  humanity,  glutted 
with  murder,  with  hatred,  chaos  and  affliction  every- 
where. All  is  calamity,  beyond  control  or  under- 
standing. .  .  .  His  aim  above  all  is  to  convey  the 
mighty  righteous  anger  of  one  who  .  .  .  refuses  to  bow 
to  those  forces  which  threaten  it."1 

Powerful,  uncompromising,  and  unremitting 
these  are  qualities  in  Picasso's  wartime  work  that 
stand  out,  still  todav,  and  that  finally  override 
any  biographical  or  political  considerations  to 

constitute1  his  true  legacy. 

THEMES  OF  THE  ARTIST:  1940-44 
After  Picasso  returned  to  Paris  from  Royan  in 
August  1940,  his  productivit)  declined  For  several 
months,  and  he  seems  to  have  produced  little  or 


STEVEN  A.  NASII       •'> 


nothing  in  the  way  of  paintings,  drawings,  and 
sculpture  until  early  in  1941.  In  what  may  have 
been  his  first  work  after  this  readjustment  to  life 
in  Paris,  he  painted  on  25  January  1941  a  small 
gouache  on  board  of  a  reclining  nude  (fig.  15). 85 
Although  Picasso  did  not  develop  the  composition 
any  further  at  the  time,  it  is  a  milestone  study,  for 
it  anticipates  directly  his  famous  L'Aubade  and 
Reclining  Nude,  both  from  1942,  as  well  as  other 
works  in  an  important,  extended  series  of  reclining 
nudes  (see  figs.  16-17  and  cat.  nos.  51,  53  recto,  75). 

The  theme  of  the  reclining  nude  weaves  through 
Picasso's  wartime  art  with  several  permutations 
and  interpretive  twists.  As  in  L'Aubade,  the  nude  is 
sometimes  accompanied  by  a  musician.  At  other 
times,  as  with  the  Reclining  Nude  of  1942,  she  is 
asleep,  and  sometimes  the  sleeper  is  accompanied 
by  a  companion,  male  or  female,  who  watches  and 
waits.  Another  variation  is  the  combination  of  the 
nude  with  a  figure  who  is  washing,  a  theme  with  its 
own  extended  life  in  the  wartime  oeuvre. 

These  nudes  vary  considerably  in  stylistic  han- 
dling and  formal  associations.  In  Reclining  Nude  and 
Woman  Washing  Her  Feet  (cat.  no.  75),  the  elongated, 
twisting  figure  is  rendered  in  a  particularly  linear, 
ideographic  manner.  In  both  L'Aubade  and  Reclining 
Nude,  Picasso  must  have  had  in  the  back  of  his 
mind  the  pose  of  Goya's  Nude  Maja.  L'Aubade, 
however,  also  relates  to  Ingres's  Odalisque  with 
a  Slave  from  1839-40  (fig.  18)  and  carries  over 


FIG.  15  [above  left] 

Pablo  Picasso,  Reclining  Nude,  25  January  1941.  Gouache  on  wood, 
6"/ii.  x  10 %  in.  (17  x  26  cm).  Private  collection. 

FIG.  16  [above  right] 

Pablo  Picasso,  L'Aubade,  4  May  1942.  Oil  on  canvas,  76  %  x  104  %  in. 
(195  x  265.1  cm).  Musee  National  a" Art  Moderne,  Centre  National 
d'Art  et  de  Culture  Georges  Pompidou,  Paris. 

FIG.   17  |above  far  right] 

Pablo  Picasso,  Reclining  Nude,  30  September  1942.  Oil  on  canvas,  51  x  76  fi  in. 
(129.5  x  195  cm).  Berggruen  Collection,  Staatliche  Museen  zu  Berlin. 


from  that  source  a  hint  of  rich  color  and  luxurious 
fabric  that  survives  despite  the  harsh  emendations 
to  which  Picasso  subjected  his  composition. 
The  modeling  of  the  nude  in  L'Aubade  is  highly 
planar,  resembling  the  buildup  of  form  in  Picasso's 
later  metal  cutouts.  In  the  Reclining  Nude,  by 
contrast,  the  modeling  has  a  painterly,  solidly 
three-dimensional  quality  that  contributes  much 
to  the  figure's  powerful  presence. 

These  works  have  in  common  a  somber  air  of 
loneliness.  The  architectural  surroundings  are 
always  bleak  and  confining.  Picasso's  palette  is 
usually  stripped  down  to  a  sensually  deprived 
range  of  browns,  grays,  and  ochers,  and  his  dim 
illumination  casts  a  nighttime,  wintry  chill  over  the 
pictures.  Picasso  told  Heller  and  others  that  he  pre- 
ferred to  work  at  night,  and  that  for  the  paintings 
to  be  understood,  they  should  be  seen  at  night. Sh 

No  work  better  exemplifies  the  mood  of  bleak 
subsistence  that  this  cold  nighttime  light  can 
express  than  the  great  Still  Life  with  Blood  Sausage 
traditionally  dated  10  May  1941  (cat.  no.  42),  the 


30      PICASSO,  WAR,  AND  ART 


bM 

whv 

*s  , 

' 

Tfeg^ 

^ 

AJ 

■<i  -     ^^^9k 

K\t^ 

\A 

first  of  many  powerful  still  lifes  that  Picasso  pro- 
duced in  occupied  Paris.  s  In  a  typically  cubist 
still-life  space,  with  objects  and  table  top  tipped 
steeply  up  toward  the  picture  surface  and  the 
geometry  of  walls,  table,  and  curtain  providing  a 
shifting  field  of  planes,  Picasso  laid  out  under  a 
hanging  lamp  a  stark  array  of  provisions.  But  this 
is  more  than  just  a  simple  wartime  meal.  The 
centralization  of  the  table  under  an  overhead  light 
gives  the  composition  a  definite  altarlike  quality, 
with  a  suggestion  of  traditional  formulas  for  divine 
light  from  above,  as  seen  in  so  many  seventeenth- 
century  religious  paintings.  The  dramatic  juxtaposi- 
tion of  the  truncated,  intestinelike  sausage  with  a 
large  knife  strongly  invokes  a  sacrificial  slaving, 
perhaps  a  reference  to  Christ's  death  on  the  cross. 
The  bottle  might  contain  sacramental  wine  or, 
alternatively,  the  vinegar  that  was  fed  to  Christ  in  a 
sponge  as  he  hung  dying.  Out  of  the  open  drawer, 
which  can  be  read  in  this  context  as  in  the  shape  of 
a  coffin  or  tomb,  arises  a  batch  of  knives  and  forks, 
referred  to  by  Picasso  at  one  point  as  souls  in 
Purgatory  and  positioned  to  resemble  small  figures 
gesticulating  upward  in  Last  Judgment  scenes. 
Brigitte  Baer  in  her  essay  in  this  book  provides  an 
alternative  reading  of  the  picture  as  sell  portrait  In 


either  case,  it  extends  far  beyond  straightforward 
reportage  into  realms  of  personal  revelation 
involving  the  artist's  psychic  file  or  thoughts  of 
despair  and  salvation. 

Throughout  the  wartime  period  the  still  life 
remained  a  key  vehicle  of  expression  for  Picasso. 
Sometimes  the  works  are  small,  not  particularly 
ambitious  exercises  that  might  have  afforded  him  a 


[ear  taguste-Dominique  Ingres,  Odalisque  with  a  S  -    I    tO 

Oil  on  canvas  mounted  on  panel  in    sight    72.1  •  100  I  cm 

[Tie  Harvard  Universit)  Art  Museums,  <  Massachusetts 

Bequest  "i  <  !ren\  ille  1.  Winthrop. 


STEVKN  A.  \  \s||       :| 


brief  pleasure  through  the  manipulation  of  a  piece 
of  brightly  colored  fruit  or  the  outlining  of  a  jaunty 
pitcher.  A  well-known  series  of  paintings  of  tomato 
plants  from  August  1944  provides  an  unusually 
upbeat  note  through  the  abundant  patterning  of 
green  vines  dotted  with  balls  of  red,  and  also 
reveals  a  domestic  side  of  Picasso's  life,  in  that 
tomato  plants  were  commonly  grown  in  window 
boxes  in  wartime  Paris  for  a  supply  of  food.88 

Most  often,  however,  Picasso's  still-life  composi- 
tions were  essentially  meditations  on  life  and  death 
The  magisterial  Still  Life  with  Steer's  Skull  and  Table 
from  6  April  1942  (cat.  no.  55),  for 
example,  painted  with  a  companion 
still  life  to  commemorate  the  recent 
death  of  his  close  friend  Julio 
Gonzalez,  continued  the  develop- 
ment of  his  Royan-period  memento 
mori  pictures  by  bringing  the 
viewer  close  to  the  gruesome  skull 
of  an  animal  whose  death  spasms 
are  palpable  in  the  agonized  set  of 
its  jaw  and  strangely  fanned  teeth. 
Numerous  works  (e.g.,  cat.  nos.  54, 
71, 79, 80, 81,  83)  use  a  human  skull 
in  the  same  role.  The  one  from  14 
March  1945  (cat.  no.  80)  sets  the 
cold  white  surface  of  the  death 
head  against  the  organic  vitality  of 
green  leeks,  explained  by  Picasso 
to  be  a  substitution  for  crossed 
bones.8 '  The  bulbous  shape  of  the 
skull,  with  its  huge  and  empty  eye 
socket,  reminds  us  of  Picasso's 
bronze  Death's  Head  from  1941,  one 
of  his  most  gripping  wartime  sculp- 
tures (cat.  no.  54).  The  lightened 
palette  of  the  painting,  however, 
particularly  the  stripe  of  yellow 
sunlight  that  grazes  the  skull,  con- 
trasts with  the  morosity  of  many 
earlier  works  and  may  indicate 
the  distinctly  different  emotional 
temperature  that  early  in  1945 
anticipated  the  end  of  the  war. 

The  one  theme  from  these  years 


that  outweighs  in  importance  and  repetition  even 
Picasso's  still  lifes  is  that  of  the  Seated  Woman. 
This  motif  defines  more  than  any  other  the  inten- 
sity of  work  from  the  war  years.  Beginning,  as  we 
have  seen,  in  the  Royan  period  and  continuing 
throughout  his  time  in  occupied  Paris,  Picasso 
returned  to  the  compositional  idea  of  the  Seated 
Woman  again  and  again,  wringing  from  it  varied 
expressive  effects  and  psychological  nuances.  For 
Picasso  the  theme  developed  into  a  kind  of  looking 
glass  that  reflected  his  own  internal  reactions  to 
people  and  events  around  him,  whether  it  be 


32     PICASSO,  WAR,  AND  ART 


happiness  with  a  lover  or  anguish  and  fear  about 
the  war.  From  his  "portraits"  of  others,  an  extensive 
self-portrait  of  the  artist  emerged. 

Attempts  are  often  made  to  label  these  works 
with  specific  identifications,  and  Dora  Maar  is  the 
person  generally  named  (see  figs.  19-20).  The) 
most  often  are,  in  fact,  paintings  of  "woman"  in 
general.  Picasso's  smaller  bustlength  representa- 
tions also  fit  into  this  category.  The  most  common 
motif,  however,  is  a  halflength  figure  seated  in  a 
chair,  reminiscent  in  format  of  so  many  portraits 
of  seated  popes  and  cardinals  from  past  centuries. 
Although  amply  represented  in  Picasso's  earlier 
work,  the  motif  took  on  special  meaning  for  the 
artist  during  the  war,  seemingly  because  it  was  a 
reliable  template  of  psychological  investigation. 
That  Picasso  told  Andre  Malraux,  "When  I 
paint  a  woman  in  an  armchair,  the  armchair 
implies  old  age  or  death,  right?""'  must  be  seen 
as  another  of  his  purposefully  elliptical  apho- 
risms. Indeed,  the  range  of  emotion  portrayed  in 
these  expressive  women  runs  from  humor  and 
joy  to  utter  abjection. 

In  the  former  category  is  the  sparkling  Woman 
Seated  in  an  Armchair  of  12  October  1941  (cat.  no. 
4b).  Even  though  painted  during  the  darkest  hours 
of  the  war,  this  work,  through  its  brightly  colored 
patterns,  seems  to  ringingly  affirm  life.  The  compo- 
sition dazzles  with  its  juxtapositions  of  hot  tones  - 
from  purple/green  combinations  to  flamelike 
oranges  —  and  a  dynamic  play  of  flattened  shapes 
and  energetic  line.  The  sparkling  stars  in  the  wall- 
paper strike  a  note  echoed  throughout  the  rest  of 
the  densely  packed,  painterly  surface.  The  only 
ominous  element  is  the  nail-like  eyebrows  that 
seem  literally  to  pin  one  eye  and  one  side  of  the 
face  to  the  background. 

The  Portrait  of  Dora  Maar  horn  9  October  1942, 
supposedly  painted  over  a  drawing  by  Cocteau  and 
well  known  for  the  striped  blouse  that  Picasso  "made 
up,"'"  shows  the  extreme  range  of  modes  that  applies 
in  these  paintings.  Modeled  with  a  degree  of  natural 
ism  Picasso  generally  reserved  during  these  years  for 
women  particularly  dear  to  him  such  as  his  daughter 
Maya  and  Nusch  Eluard,  Dora  stares  outward  with 
a  wide-eyed  look  of  resignation.  The  simplified, 


FIG      9  |l<-fi| 

Pablo  Picasso.  Woman  with  a  Cigarette  Holder  (Dora  Mam).  10  August  I'1 12 
Oil  on  panel,  2.r> '/..  x  21  in.  |(>1  x  .">.{. .1  i  in     Private  i  ollei  lion 

I  IG    20  [above] 

Portrait  of  Dora  Maar  with  Cigaretti  Holder,  1946  Photograph  b)  Louis  Izis. 
Musee  Picasso,  Paris,  Picasso  Archives. 


clearly  defined  planes  of  the  figure  and  her 
columnar  form  give  her  a  sculptural  quality  not 
far  removed  from  the  Woman  in  a  Long  Dress  of 
1943  (cat.  no.  73),  fashioned  by  Picasso  out  of  a 
dressmaker's  dummy  with  a  head  modeled  in  clay 
and  an  arm  from  a  tribal  sculpture. 

The  figure  in  Woman  in  a  Hal  Seated  in  an 
Armchair  of  23  April  1942  (cat  no.  56),  with  her 
jaunty  hat,  dazed  expression,  and  flattened  disloca- 
tions of  head  and  torso,  has  a  somewhat  comical 
air,  while  the  Bust  of  a  Woman  of  15  October  1941 
and  Woman  in  Gray  (Paris),  of  (>  August  1942  (cat. 
nos.  17,  60),  employ  similar  but  more  extreme  dislo 
cations  and  simplifications  in  the  creation  of  images 
of  women  unforgivingly  monstrous.  Proboscis  like 
noses  resemble  the  long  and  slender  snout  of 
Picasso's  Afghan  hound  Kazbek.  Teeth  are  bared 
in  open  mouths,  read)  to  pierce.  Heads  are  tightl) 


Ml  VI  N  A.  NASH      33 


gripped  by  dark,  angular  hats  and  rigid  blocks  of 
hair.  Bust  of  a  Woman  appeared  just  three  days  after 
the  brightly  painted  Woman  Seated  in  an  Armchair 
from  Diisseldorf  but  represents  a  drastic  shift  of 
emotion  from  the  gay  and  playful  to  dark  terror. 

One  of  the  most  famous  of  these  seated  figures, 
the  Woman  with  an  Artichoke  horn  1942  (see  fig.  21, 
cat.  no.  61),  echoes  similar  notes  of  distress.  On  the 
one  hand,  she  has  all  the  regal  bearing  of  Ingres's 
Mme  Moitessier  or  his  Napoleon  seated  on  his  throne 
with  raised  scepter. '"  She  could  also  be  taken  for 
Picasso's  housekeeper  Ines,  sitting  with  a  long- 
stemmed  artichoke  meant  for  dinner.  The  overall, 
inescapable  impression  of  the  image,  however,  is 
threatening  power.  The  monumental  scale  of  the 
figure  is  daunting.  The  sharp  fingers  on  one  hand 
are  like  claws  or  an  armored  glove,  and  the  arti- 
choke has  more  the  look  of  a  club  or  a  German 
hand  grenade.  Picasso's  palette  of  dark  greens, 
grays,  and  browns  reinforces  the  lugubrious  mood. 

The  force  behind  all  these  works  is  the  twisting, 
distorting,  deconstructing  experience  of  war.  Out 
of  the  depths  of  despair,  however,  Picasso  was  able 
to  extract  reasons  for  hope.  Beginning  with  the 
monumental  Man  with  a  Lamb  of  spring  1943  (cat. 
no.  66),  we  can  find  clear  if  not  consistent  signs  of 
optimism.  Two  recent  developments  in  the  Allied 
counteroffensive  against  Germany  —  the  invasion 
of  North  Africa  in  October  1942  and  the  surrender 
of  the  German  Sixth  Army  in  Russia  after  the  Battle 
of  Stalingrad  -  signaled  a  decisive  change  in  the 
fortunes  of  war.  Such  events  were  reported  to  the 
French  population  not  by  Vichy  newspapers  but 
by  clandestine  papers  and  the  BBC,  and  Picasso 
would  have  been  aware  of  them. 

Picasso  made  his  first  known  studies  for  the 
Man  with  a  Lamb  on  15  July  1942,  conflating  two 
figures  in  the  classical  scene  of  tribute-bearing  in 
his  print  Paris,  14 July  1942  (cat.  nos.  57,  58), 
which  in  turn  seems  to  be  based  on  a  photograph 
of  a  gathering  of  his  family  in  Spain."  Over  the 
next  year,  he  developed  his  ideas  for  the  sculp- 
ture through  more  than  fifty  drawings  examining 
details  of  the  man,  the  lamb,  or  the  compositional 
ensemble.  The  last  drawings  are  inscribed  March 
1943,  and  although  Picasso  later  told  Brassai  that 


FIG.  21 

Pablo  Picasso,  Woman  with  an  Artichoke,  1942.  Oil  on  canvas,  76  %  x  51  '/<  in. 

(195  x  130.2  cm).  Museum  Ludwig,  Ludwig  Collection,  Cologne.  Cat.  no.  61. 


he  modeled  the  sculpture  in  February,  it  must 
date  from  March  or  soon  thereafter.''4 

Over  the  course  of  development,  Picasso 
changed  his  conception  of  the  image  from  that  of 
a  young  man  rather  protectively  holding  a  playful 
lamb  to  an  older  man  who,  standing  rigidly 
upright,  grasps  and  holds  out  before  him  a  trussed 
animal  straining  its  head  upward.  Although  Picasso 
cautioned  about  the  final  sculpture  that  "there's 
nothing  religious  about  it  at  all.  .  .  .  There's  no 
symbolism  in  it,"  and  that  what  he  was  after  was 
"a  human  feeling,  a  feeling  that  exists  now  as  it 
has  always  existed,"''  much  discussion  has  centered 
on  possible  ancient  and  Christian  sources  for  the 


34      PICASSO,  WAR,  AND  ART 


sculpture  and  alternative  interpretations. '"'  In  the 
composition's  final  form,  it  is  hard  to  tell  if  the 
lamb  is  being  saved  (with  connotations  of  Christ 
and  the  Good  Shepherd)  or  is  about  to  be  sacrifi- 
cially  slaughtered,  as  the  goat  in  his  earlier  drawing 
(cat.  no.  17)  had  been  so  ferociously  put  to  death. 
The  fixed  expression  on  the  man's  face  and  his 
tight  grip,  with  huge  hands,  on  the  braying,  strain- 
ing lamb  suggest  the  latter.  Picasso's  "human  feel- 
ing," however,  may  come  not  so  much  from  the 
man's  care  of  the  lamb  as  from  the  transcending 
notion  of  dedication,  as  in  the  ancient  story  of 
Abraham  and  Isaac,  and  the  willingness  to  make  a 
sacrifice  for  the  greater  common  good.  This  mes- 
sage in  1943  would  have  been  powerful  and  hope- 
ful, and  it  is  little  wonder  that  Picasso  kept  the  Man 
with  a  Lamb  in  the  center  of  his  studio  for  the  rest 
of  the  war  and  often  posed  with  it,  as  a  centerpiece 
of  his  wartime  art,  with  postwar  visitors  (see  fig.  14). 

Another  optimistic  signal  is  found  in  the  large 
painting  entitled  First  Steps  from  21  May  1943  (cat. 
no.  67).  A  wobbly  but  determined  child  is  being 
helped  to  take  its  first  steps  by  a  protective  mother. 
Easy  sentiment  was  not  a  common  ingredient  in 
Picasso's  wartime  work,  and  here,  the  strongly 
architectural  quality  of  his  composition,  with  the 
mother  forming  a  compact  arch  over  the  angular 
structure  of  the  child,  overrides  the  sweetness  of 
theme.  In  essence,  Picasso  stresses  not  only  the 
innocence  of  youth  but  also  the  hopeful  future  of  a 
younger  generation  as  it  thrives  and  carries  forward. 

Even  the  architectural  studies  Picasso  made  of 
familiar  sites  and  monuments  in  the  immediate 
environs  of  Paris  strike  a  sanguine  note.  These 
date  from  mid- 1943  onward.  Although  generally 
dark  and  claustrophobically  patterned,  they 
concentrate  on  well-known  structures  -  bridges, 
Notre  Dame,  the  Vert-Galant  -  and  seem  to 
celebrate  the  beauty  and  lasting  humanistic  quality 
of  this  built  environment.  '7 

Mention  has  already  been  made  of  the  work 
Picasso  produced  during  the  street  fighting  prior  to 
the  Liberation  of  Paris,  an  event  that  brought  much 
closer  the  conclusion  of  the  war  and  signaled  the 
end  of  the  personal  hell  that  Picasso  and  his  fellow 
Parisians  had  endured.  His  variation  on  Poussin's 


Triumph  of  Pan  (figs.  22-23)  is  perhaps  an  allusion 
to  the  frenzy  of  street  fighting  but  most  basically 
seems  an  expression  of  ecstatic  joy,  a  vicarious 
release  of  emotion  unhampered  by  moderating 
reason.  It  is  a  bacchanalia  of  the  spirit.  After  the 
painful  distortions  found  in  his  earlier  Seated 
Women,  Picasso's  figures  are  whole  again,  albeit 
stretched  and  twisted  in  rubbery  configurations 
that  now  are  emblems  of  glee  rather  than  debilita- 
tion. Cognizant  of  the  healing  role  that  art  could 
play  after  so  devastating  a  societal  disaster,  and 
the  need  for  a  restoration  of  order,  Picasso  spoke  of 
the  importance  at  this  time  of  an  art  of  discipline. 
"Very  likely,"  Picasso  said,  "for  the  poet  it  is  a  time 
to  write  sonnets."'*  The  war,  of  course,  was  far 
from  over,  and  during  the  months  ahead  he  contin- 
ued to  produce  admonitory  memento  mori  and 
other  stark  reminders  of  political  reality.  Indeed, 
some  of  his  darkest  and  most  troubling  pictures 
followed  VE  Day,  during  the  difficult  period  of 
European  reconstruction. 

Nevertheless,  hostilities  were  near  an  end  by  the 
close  of  1944.  Early  in  1945,  Picasso  began  work 
on  a  painting  that  stands  as  a  counterpart  to  the 
Guernica  of  1937,  commemorating  the  conclusion 
of  the  war  years  just  as  that  earlier  masterpiece 
had  marked  their  beginning.  His  Chamel  House 
(cat.  no.  82),  worked  on  over  the  course  of  many 
months,  together  with  his  Monument  to  the  Spanish 
Who  Died  for  France  (Monument  aux  Espagnols 
morts  pour  la  France)  (cat.  no.  83)  from  1945-47, 
both  attempted  to  conclude  this  painful  period  by 
memorializing  victims,  including  the  many  on  the 
Spanish  side  who  had  given  their  lives  with  little 
or  no  recognition.  In  one  combined,  powerful 
statement,  Picasso  exhibited  both  paintings  at  the 
Communist-organized  exhibition  Art  et  resistance  in 
February  1946,  where  they  spoke  propagandisti- 
cally  of  mourning,  retribution,  and  the  harsh 
treatment  Spanish  Republicans  had  received  at 
the  hands  of  the  French  government."' 

The  Chamel  House  has  more  in  common  with 
Guernica  than  just  iconography,  and  Picasso  may 
have  thought  of  the  two  pictures  as  pendants  that 
together  would  stand  as  bracketing  statements 
around  the  wartime  period.  It  is  one  of  the  largest 


STKVKN  A.  NASH     35 


paintings  Picasso  undertook  for  ten  years  or  so 
after  Guernica.  As  with  the  earlier  work,  Picasso 
restricted  himself  to  a  highly  restrained  palette  of 
grays,  black,  and  white,  applied  within  a  linear 
structure  of  segmented  details  that  adds  a  staccato 
rhythm  to  the  light-dark  contrasts.  This  black-and- 
white  construction  may  express  in  part  Picasso's 
debt  to  the  graphic  art  of  Goya,  where  he  had 
found  a  similar  image  of  mass  carnage,""'  or  may 
also  reflect  the  influence  of  black-and-white  films 
or  photography.  Dora  Maar  claimed  that  the  idea 
for  the  painting  came  from  a  feature  film  they  had 
seen  together.""  More  convincing  is  the  assertion, 
first  made  by  Picasso  himself,  although  later  ques- 
tioned by  various  authors,  that  inspiration  for  the 
painting  came  from  revelations  of  the  atrocities  of 
the  German  concentration  camps.  Reports  of  the 
camps  and  other  charniers  had  begun  to  spread 


even  before  the  end  of  1944,  sometimes  with  the 
inclusion  of  photographs  of  victims."12  Even  a 
population  whose  sensitivities  were  numbed  by 
five  years  of  war  was  deeply  upset  by  such  news. 

Part  of  Picasso's  success  in  producing  so  strong 
a  brooding  effect  in  this  picture  is  owed  to  a  factor 
that  in  the  past  has  been  considered  a  fault,  the 
canvas's  non-finito  condition.  Picasso  worked  on 
the  composition  intermittently  over  a  long  period 
of  time,  and  Zervos  photographed  several  different 
states. ""  Whether  he  reached  an  impasse  he  could 
not  or  did  not  wish  to  resolve,  or  whether  he 
considered  the  composition  duly  complete,  we 
do  not  know.  Obviously  Picasso  considered  it 
"finished"  enough  to  sign  it  and  release  it  for 
exhibition  and  sale."M 

In  its  final  state,  in  which  underlayers  of  drawing 
and  pentimentiare  clearly  visible  and  major  segments 


.'!<>      IMCASSO,  WAR,  AND  ART 


FIG    '  '  |i.  ft] 

Pablo  Picasso,  Bacchanal,  24  28  August  I'M  I   Watercolor  and 

gouache  on  paper,  \2  *  16  in.  30.5  >  10.6  cm    Presentwhere 

abouts  iiiiknou  ii. 
FIG   23  |above] 

Nicolas  Poussin,  The  Triumph  of  Pan,  16  15    16.  <  )il  on  canvas, 
52     <57     in.    134  x  145  cm).  National  Gallery,  London. 


are  not  painted  in  -  such  as  the  tabletop  still  life 
that  stands  over  the  massacred  victims,  the  back- 
ground, and  the  flames  to  the  right  -  a  ghostly, 
transparent,  insubstantial  aspect  to  the  picture  cre- 
ates a  trancelike  level  of  consciousness  part  way 
between  reality  and  dream."'   Picasso  liked  to 
say  that  a  successful  work  of  art  is  never  really 
finished.""  The  Charnel  House  may  be  a  purposeful 
embodiment  of  this  dictum.  At  any  rate,  it  consum- 
mates in  highly  moving  form  the  humanistic  mes- 
sage of  concern  for  the  human  race  that  animates 
so  much  of  Picasso's  wartime  work.  William  Rubin 
has  called  it  a  requiem."  Like  the  Guernica,  it  is  a 
timeless  monument  that  has  lost  none  of  its  power 
over  the  past  fifty  years  and  stands  now  as  it  did  at 
the  end  of  World  War  II,  as  a  moving  indictment 
of  man's  brutality  to  man. 

Both  the  Charnel  House  and  Monument  to  the 
Spanish  Who  Died  for  France  satisfy  Picasso's  pre- 
scription for  an  art  that  could  serve  as  a  forceful 
"instrument  ol  war  against  the  enemy."  Both, 
however,  arc  far  more  rhetorical  than  most  ol  his 
work  from  the  war  years,  speaking  in  a  declamatory 


voice  through  visual  codes  that  are  freighted  with 

traditional  meanings  that  would  enjo)  immediate 
public  legibility.  Most  of  Ins  imager)  from  the 
period  is  at  once  more  personal  and  \  isceral.  and 
political  only  in  terms  of  a  general  humanitarianism. 
Picasso  spoke  frequent!)  ol  his  interest  in  investing 
the  simplest  objects  with  cleat  and  elevated  mean 
ingS,  jusl  as  Christ  had  done  in  his  sermons. 

/  want  to  tell  something  by  means  oj  tin  most 
common  object:  for  example,  a  casserole,  any  old 
casserole,  the  one  everybody  knows.  For  me  it 
is  a  vessel  in  the  metaphorical  sense,  just  likt 
Christ's  use  of  parables.""" 

Herbert  Read's  insightful  remarks  about  Guernica 
in  l!)rSH  are  even  more  presciently  applicable  to  the 
art  of  the  following  seven  years: 

[Picasso's]  symbols  are  banal,  like  the  symbols 
of  Homer,  Dante,  Cervantes.  For  it  is  only  when 
the  widest  commonplace  is  infused  with  the  intensest 
passion  that  a  great  work  of  art,  transcending 
all  schools  and  categories,  is  born;  and  being  bom, 
lives  immortally. 

Like  Van  Gogh's  potatoes  and  boots,  expressive 
symbols  that  Picasso  openly  admired,  his  quotid 
ian,  nondescript  subjects  speak  loudly.  His  blood 
sausages,  artichokes,  and  leeks,  sheep  skulls 
intended  ultimately  for  the  dog's  dinner,  casseroles 
and  candles,  and  anonymous  Lonely  women  may 
not  actually  scream  the  truth  of  the  war,  but  they 
hit  their  marks  of  meaning  with  uncorrupted. 
penetrating  force. 


sit  VI- N  A.  NASH 


Picasso's  Disasters  of  War: 
The  Art  of  Blasphemy 


Robert  Rosenblum 


O. 


f  the  masterpieces  at  the  Prado, 
in  whose  Spanish  ancestral  company 
Picasso  hoped  Guernica  (fig.  1)  would  eventually 
be  displayed  for  posterity,'  none  was  more  relevant 
than  Goya's  Third  of  May,  1808  (fig.  2),  which, 
although  painted  six  years  after  the  event,  still 
gives  the  illusion  of  eye-witness  immediacy.  Its 
journalistic  title  might  well  have  been  updated  by 
Picasso  to  the  Twenty- Sixth  of  April,  1937  m  order  to 
pinpoint  the  historical  reality  of  the  Nazi  saturation 
bombing  of  helpless  civilians  as  they  went  about 
their  business  at  the  end  of  a  Monday  market  day 
in  the  ancient  Basque  capital."  Apart  from  its  obvi- 
ous precedence  as  a  pictorial  response  to  a  Spanish 
national  tragedy  that  involved  brutal  conflicts  not 
only  between  foreign  and  native  powers,  but  also 
between  opposing  internal  factions,  Goya's  Third 
of  May,  1808  also  launches  on  the  epic  scale  of 
history  painting  a  grim  and  modern  vision  of 
contemporary  humanity  that,  as  if  in  response  to 
a  pervasive  evil,  bitterly  parodies  Catholic  tradi- 
tions of  imager)'  and  morality. 

Expanding  upon  many  of  the  gruesome 
vignettes  Goya  recorded  in  a  series  of  etchings,  the" 
Disasters  of  War,  the  Third  of  May  shrilly  proclaims 
an  era  dominated  bv  the  anti-Christ  The  central. 


white-shirted  martyr,  only  one  among  the  endless 
belt-line  of  victims,  is  a  mock  version  of  the  Cruci- 
fixion; his  extended  palms  even  display  ironical lv 
the  blood  stains  of  the  stigmata,  just  as  his  posture 
of  Christian  martyrdom  is  shockingly  repeated  in 
the  totally  lifeless,  bloody  corpse  that  lies,  face 
down,  below  him.  Among  those  about  to  die  is 
another  figure  who  would  outrage  Catholic  pieties, 
a  tonsured  monk  who,  kneeling,  clutches  his  hands 
in  a  prayer  that  will  go  unheeded.  The  malevolent 
night  sky  offers  no  source  of  light  and,  below  it, 
the  unidentified  monastery  with  a  church  tower 
(which  recalls  the  sacred  buildings  that  dominated 
the  silhouette  of  Fuendetodos,   Goya's  birthplace 
looks  like  an  archaeological  relic  from  a  civiliza- 
tion forever  extinguished  by  the  human  slaughter 
in  the  foreground.  Replacing  the  natural  light  of 
the  sky,  a  lantern  used  by  the  Napoleonic  troops 
targets  the  captured  guerrillas  and  permits  a 
glimpse  of  the  carnage  with  photoflash  clarity.  The 
widening  beam  of  light  from  the  yellow  and  -white 
lantern,  whose  colors  are  echoed  in  the  vellow- 
and-white  clothing  of  the  central  victim,  almost 
becomes  a  surrogate  agent  of  death.  While 
discussing  Guernica  with  Andre  Malraux,  Picasso 
himself  brought  up  Genu's  painting  and  stated 


39 


Francisco  de  Goya,  The  Third  of  May,  1808,  1814.  Oil  on  canvas, 

104  &  x  135  I  in.  (266  x  345  cm).  Museo  Nacional  del  Prado,  Madrid. 


quite  clearly,  "The  lantern  is  Death."1 

In  the  Third  of  May,  Christian  motifs,  poignantly 
warped  by  these  new  realities,  are  constantly 
recalled;  and  as  in  many  of  the  Disasters  of  War, 
they  evoke  the  traditional  depictions  of  human  suf- 
fering that  finally  lead  to  redemption.  Christ  on  the 
Mount  of  Olives,  which  Goya  in  fact  would  paint 
in  a  legible  Christian  guise  some  five  years  later  in 
1819,  giving  it  to  the  fathers  at  the  Escuelas  Pias  in 
Madrid,  is  one  such  theme  echoed  by  the  Third  of 
May  as  well  as  by  the  first  plate,  Sad  Forebodings  of 
Things  to  Come,  of  the  Disasters  of  War,  whose  most 
shocking  scenes  of  torture,  dismemberment,  and 
corpse-bearing  can  be  viewed  as  new,  godless 
mutations  of  standard  Christian  iconography.  As 
a  young  artist,  Goya,  like  the  young  Picasso, 
depicted  a  familiar  religious  repertory,  including 
the  Burial  and  the  Lamentation  of  Christ  (fig.  3), 
not  to  mention  the  Crucifixion  itself. '  These  motifs 
are  often  present  in  the  Disasters,  as  in  the  case  of 
the  mother  carried  off  to  her  grave  while  her  lone 
child,  weeping,  blindly  follows  the  corpse  (no.  50, 


I'.iblo  hi  .iv.u   simh  /m  < .  1 1<  ■  1 1 (Mnlh, •; i  mid  I  had  Child)  detail 

28  Ma)  19  i;  (  al  no.  6. 

FIG.  1  Ipagt-i  40-41] 

Pablo  Picasso,  Guernica,  May-Juno  1937  Oil  on  canvas,  137  %  x  305  %  in. 

(349x777  cm    Mu  eo  N nal  Centro  de  Arte  Reina  Sofia,  Madrid. 

( )n  permanent  loan  from  the  Museo  Nacional  del  Prado,  Madrid. 


Francisco  de  Goya,  Burial  of  Christ,  ca.  1770-72.  Oil  on  canvas,  51  '/s  x  37  % 
in.  (30  x  95  cm).  Museo  Lazaro  Galdiano,  Madrid. 


Unhappy  Mother,  fig.  4),  or  when  two  uniformed 
brutes  lug  a  male  corpse  to  the  cemetery  (no.  56, 
To  the  Cemetery).  And  the  most  barbaric  mutilations 
depicted  (no.  33,  WJiat  More  Could  One  Do?)  can 
be  seen  in  the  venerable  context  of  saints'  martyr- 
doms, so  that  the  X-shaped,  upside-down,  dragged, 
or  trussed  bodies  of  the  anonymous  victims 
become  hideous  secular  variants  on  the  familiar 
abundance  of  uncommon  suffering  endured  for 
their  faith  by  such  saints  as  Andrew,  Peter,  and 
Bartholomew,  whose  agonies  were  so  often  empha- 
sized with  close-up  realism  in  the  traditions  of 
Spanish  Catholic  art. 

Of  the  countless  ways  to  interpret  Guernica  and 
its  progeny,  Goya's  bitter  inversions  of  Catholic 
imagery  and  morality  offer  some  major  points  of 
departure.  His  relevance  to  Picasso  must  have 
been  reaffirmed  in  1935,  when  the  Bibliotheque 
Nationale  held  a  large  exhibition  from  the  Prado  of 
Goya's  prints  (including  the  complete  Disasters  of 


42      PICASSO'S  DISASTERS  OF  WAR 


"'  $* v 


Francisco  de  Goya,  Unhappy  Mother,  from  the  Disasters  of  War,  ca.  IH1_'   15 
l'.ii  bing  and  aquatint,  <>     *  8     in     1 5  5  -  20.5  cm    Ac  henbai  h 
Foundation  foi  Graphic  Arts,  Fine  Arts  Museums  oi  San  1i.uk  isi  o 


War),  drawings,  tapestries,  and  a  few  paintings.' 
Like  his  old-master  compatriot,  Picasso,  too,  was 
heir  to  the  rituals  and  iconography  of  the  church 
and,  even  as  a  teenager  in  Spain,  rendered  in  an 
often  sketchy,  Goyesque  manner  a  wide  repertory 
of  Christian  themes,  from  the  Crucifixion  and 
the  Annunciation  to  the  Holy  Family  and  Saint 
Anthony  of  Padua.  But  following  as  well  a  tradition 
of  anti-Catholic  parody  particularly  vital  in  the 
most  pious  Catholic  nations,  Picasso,  from  his 
childhood  on,  would  often  make  irreverent  jokes 
on  these  conventional  pieties.  Already  in  WJ.i,  the 
year  of  his  fourteenth  birthday,  he  made  a  rapid 
drawing  of  Christ  blessing,  of  all  unlikely  people, 
the  Devil  (and  with  his  left  hand,  to  boot)  (fig.  5);' 
and  before  the  turn  of  the  century  he  would  make 
cartoonlike  spoofs  on  the  popular  imagery  of  ex- 
votos,  offering,  for  example,  in  a  willfully  crude, 
folkloric  style  the  ludicrous  religious  reflex  of  a 
desperate  prayer  to  an  apparition  of  the  Virgin  in 
heaven  on  the  occasion  of  a  very  modern  auto- 
mobile accident  (fig.  6).8 

Such  minor  and  youthful  demonstrations  of  the 
sinful  fun  of  Catholic  blasphemy  reached  almost 
transcendental  proportions  in  Les  Demoiselles  d 'Avi- 
gnon (fig.  7),  in  which  the  central  whore,  seemingly 
afloat  on  a  crescent  of  melon  that  rises  from  the 
tumbling  still  life  below,  is  virtually  an  illustration 


IK.     i  |top| 

Pablo  Picasso,  Christ  Blessing  the  Devil,  1895  India  ink  on  paper,  8     ■  I11    in 
(21  x  2ii  ( in    Artist's  1. si. iiiv 

FIG   G  |«bove| 

Pablo  Picasso,  Parody  of  an  Ex  Voto,  1899   1900  Oil  on  canvas,  22     •  16in 
56.6  >  10.8  cm    Museu  Picasso,  Barcelona. 


KOBK.KT  ROSKNBI.UM      43 


FIG.  7 

Pablo  Picasso,  Les  Demoiselles  d'Avignon, 
June-July  1907.  Oil  on  canvas,  96  x  92  in. 
(243.9  x  233.7  cm).  The  Museum  of  Modern  Art, 
New  York.  Acquired  through  the  Lillie  P.  Bliss  Bequest. 
<   The  Museum  of  Modern  Art,  New  York. 


of  the  phrase  later  used  to  describe  the  painting, 
"The  Apocalyptic  Whorehouse.'"'  For  a  Spaniard  in 
particular,  this  airborne  image  becomes  a  shocking 
paraphrase  of  one  of  the  most  familiar  themes  in 
Spanish  Catholic  art,  the  Virgin  borne  to  heaven  on 
a  crescent  moon."1  Of  the  countless  international  and 
Spanish  examples  of  this  motif,  one  must  have  been 
of  particular  relevance  to  Picasso,  El  Greco's 
Assumption  of  the  Virgin  of  1577  (fig.  8).  Before  leav- 
ing for  the  Art  Institute  of  Chicago  in  1906,  it  had 
made  its  way  to  Paris  in  1904,  where,  for  two  years, 
it  resided  at  the  mecca  of  modern  art,  the  Galerie 
Durand-Ruel,  frequented  by  Picasso  and  every 
other  aspiring  artist."  With  one  brilliant,  heretical 
twist,  Picasso  has  wedded  his  national  tradition  of 
visionary  Catholicism,  exemplified  by  El  Greco, 
the  newly  resurrected  ancestral  hero  of  Spanish 
modern  art,  to  a  brothel  scene.  Among  other 
things,  he  thereby  fused  the  fin-de-siecle  concept  of 


woman  as  virgin  or  femme  fatale,12  and  recalled  as 
well  the  old  quip  about  the  male  Spaniard's  typical 
Sunday:  mass  in  the  morning,  bullfight  in  the  after- 
noon, and  brothel  in  the  evening. 

Such  a  double-entendre  may  still  be  understood 
in  the  context  of  the  popular  humor  of  Catholic 
countries  that  turns  nuns  into  whores  and  priests 
into  money-grabbing  drunkards.  But  thirty 
years  later,  in  Guernica,  Picasso's  heretical  use  of 
Catholic  iconography  took  on  a  new  and  tragic 
pervasiveness  whose  sense  of  total  malevolence 
matched  not  only  its  prototypes  in  Goya,  but  also 
the  historical  events  on  the  eve  of  World  War  II. 
Christian  faith  has  become  futile,  challenged 
already  at  the  top  of  the  painting  in  the  sinister 
source  of  artificial  light  that  offers  the  work's  only 
reference  to  a  uniquely  twentieth-century  reality. 
Recalling  the  benevolent  double  image  of  a 
sun /eye  with  raylike  eyelashes  first  seen  in  the 


44      PICASSO'S  DISASTKRS  OF  WAR 


FIG   x  [  il 

Ml  diem.  .■Usiim/ilion  nj  tin  Virgin,  l.*>77.  Oil  on  canvas,  158  ■  90  in 
101.3  *  21H.U  cm  .  The  An  Institute  of  Chicago,  CJili  ol  Nan<  j    ^twood 
Sprague  in  memor\  ol  Albeit  Arnold  Sprague 

I  li.   9  [below] 

Pablo  Picasso,  Landscape,  Juan-Us-Pins,  1920  <  (il  on  canvas,  20  ■  26    in 
(51  x  68  cm).  Muscc  1'icasso,  Pans.  MP.  (>K. 


summer  ol  1020  in  ;i  cheerful  Mediterranean  land 
scape  \iew  of  Juan  les  l'ms  [fig.  9),  this  new  mecha 
nized  light  source  is  both  an  overhead  lamp  and  an 
eye,  with  an  electric   light  hull)  for  its  lilanientecl 
pupil,  as  well  as  an  exploding  homh,  whose  eye 
lash  like  rays  bring  death  and  chaos  to  the  li\  Lng 
creatures  below.  Bui  this  violation  of  cosmic  nal 
oral  order  extends  to  the  supernatural  ordei  .is 
well.    Nothing  is  more  Familiar  as  a  light  source  in 
Catholic  art  than  the  heavenly  radiance  that,  often 
emanating  from  a  dove,  the  symbol  of  the  lloh 
Spirit,  glows  from  the  central  heights  ol  altarpieces 
that  depict  a  wide  range  of  Christian  narratives. 
To  choose  only  three  of  main  old  master  Spanish 
example's  from  the  Prado,  an  early  foundation 
for  Picasso's  infinite  storehouse  of  images,  El 
Greco's  Pentecost  (ca.  L600)  (fig.  10  .Juan  Bautista 
Maino's  Adoration  of  the  Magi   Kill  ,  and  Diego 
Velazquez's  Coronation  of  the  Virgin  by  the  Trinity 
( 1041-42)  all  turn  our  terrestrial  eyes  upward  to 
a  celestial  sun  and  bird.  In  Guernica,  that  sun  and 
bird  have  been  destroyed.  The  unnatural  light 
source,  which  can  be  read  as  pilot's  eye,  bomb, 
and  flashbulb,  becomes  both  the  cause  of  the 


KOBl  Kl    KOSI  MU.UM      45 


havoc  below  as  well  as  the  photographic  means  of 
recording  and  disseminating  it  through  the  press, 
much  as  the  light  from  the  groundborne  lantern  in 
Goya's  Third  of  May  seems  both  the  agent  of  death 
and  the  objective  way  of  disclosing  these  unspeak- 
able facts  for  posterity. 

As  for  the  bird,  it  falls  in  the  throes  of  death  not 
only  from  its  natural  element,  the  sky,  but  also 
from  its  supernatural  Catholic  symbol  of  a  radiant 
blaze  of  light.  It  may  also  be  a  bleak  inversion  of 
the  message  of  the  colomba,  the  dove  in  the  upper 
left-hand  corner  of  a  manuscript  page  illustrating 
the  Deluge  in  the  Spanish  Romanesque  Apocalypse  of 
Saint  Sever  (fig.  11)."  This  bird,  high  on  the  branch 
of  an  olive  tree  against  an  intensely  yellow  sky, 
signifies  the  coming  of  peace  to  the  human  and 
animal  victims  of  cosmic  disorder  below.  Picasso 
knew  well  these  visionary  images  from  medieval 
Spain  and,  as  often  pointed  out,  used  their  flat  styl- 
izations  and  colors,  as  did  Mho,  for  inspiration,  not 
only  in  his  Crucifixion  of  1930  but  in  the  treatment 


of  Guernica's  fallen  warrior.  Guernica's  bird,  too,  is 
marked  for  sacrifice,  its  open  beak  rhyming  with 
the  screaming  mouth  of  the  mother  at  the  left,  just 
before  the  moment  it  lands  on  a  tabletop.1,  Picasso 
already  had  explored  similar  bird-and-table  motifs, 
perhaps  even  recalling  ironically  his  painter-father 
Jose  Ruiz  Blasco's  kitsch  specialty,  the  painting  of 
pigeons  in  states  of  almost  human  happiness  and 
domesticity."'  As  early  as  1912,  working  in  a  cubist 
mode,  Picasso  painted  two  dead  birds  -  their  wings 
spread,  their  stiff  feet  turned  up  -  lying  on  a  table- 
top  that  is  given  a  triptychlike  structure  (fig.  12). 
The  upstretched  claws  of  one  of  the  birds  reach 
toward  the  fragmented  cubist  letters  CHR,  which 
inevitably  suggest  the  word  CHRIST.  There  is 
something  strangely  sacramental  about  this  feath- 
ered offering,  as  if  the  birds  were  placed  on  an 
altar.1'  It  was  a  theme,  in  fact,  that  would  recur  with 
many  variations  in  Picasso's  work  before  Guernica, 


Hi.    in  [top  left] 

El  Greco,  Pentecost  (Descent  from  the  Holy  Cross),  ca.  !<>()().  Oil  on  canvas, 

108     x  50  in.  (275.9  x  127  cm).  Museo  Nacional  del  Prado,  Madrid. 

KIC.   II   [above-] 

The  Deluge,  from  The  Apocalypse  of  Saint  Sever,  12th  century.  Illuminated 
manuscript.  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  1'aiis. 


46     PICASSO'S  DISASTERS  OF  WAR 


especially  in  1919-21,  when  a  variety  of  birds  - 
pigeon,  dove,  rooster  —  lie  dead  or  about  to 
be  slaughtered  on  a  table.  But  Guernica's  bird, 
falling  from  the  sky  or  from  its  Catholic  place 
ment  as  the  Holy  Spirit  within  a  reigning, 
golden  luminosity,  announces  new  dimensions 
of  cosmic  upheaval. 

It  is  telling  that,  during  the  years  of  the  Napo- 
leonic invasion  of  Spain,  from  1H0S  to  IS  11,  Goya 
himself  painted  a  series  of  grisly  animal  still  lifes 
that  included  paintings  of  dead  birds  -  chickens, 
turkeys,  ducks,  woodcocks  (fig.  13)  -  brutally 
plucked,  strung  up,  or  trussed  like  barbaric  sac  i  i 
fices  on  kitchen  counters,  the  feathered  surrogates 
of  the  human  corpses  he  was  recording  at  the 
same  time.1*  The  triumph  of  human  savagery 
seems,  in  these  still  lifes,  to  extend  even  to  the 
domain  of  butchers  and  cooks,  contaminating 
the  sensuous  appeal  of  earlier  kitchen  still-life 
traditions  with  real  blood,  pain,  and  indignities. 
Already  in  1921,  Picasso  painted  a  ferocious  black 
dog  menacing  a  bound  and  helpless  rooster  in  an 
image  so  close  to  violent  death  that  it  can  hardly 
be  called  a  "still  life."1"  And  only  months  after 
Guernica,  on  15  February  1938,  Picasso  pushed 
this  barbarism  further  in  a  painting  of  a  demonic 
woman  who,  like  a  priestess  of  Santena,  squats 
on  the  floor  beside  a  knife,  as  with  one  hand  she 
clutches  the  wings  of  a  trussed,  desperate  rooster 
and  with  the  other  a  cup  for  the  blood  (see  page 
1!),   fig.  3).  It  is  an  animal  sacrifice  made  still  more 
demonic  in  a  drawing  of  the  same  year  that 
depicts  a  frenzied  woman  plunging  a  knife  into 
the  throat  of  a  trussed  goat,  as  the  blood  drips 
into  a  bowl  on  the  floor  (cat.  no.  17). 

Guernica's  evil  inversions  of  both  natural  and 
supernatural  law  and  order  reach  a  sacrilegious 
extreme  at  the  lower  left  of  the  painting,  where  the 
dead  child  is  held  by  the  screaming  mother,  whose 
open  mouth,  like  the  bird's,  is  directed  to  a  now 
extinct  heaven.  Here,  Picasso  creates  a  heartrend- 
ing parody  of  one  of  the  most  familiar  of  all 
Catholic  images  of  suffering  and  redemption,  the 
Pieta.  Predictably,  this,  too,  has  a  specifically  Span 
ish  inflection,  not  only  in  its  extremities  of  physical 
and  psychological  pain,  but  more  particularly  in  its 


FIG    I.' 

Pablo  Picasso,  Still  Lift  with  Dead  Birds,  1912.  Oil  on  canvas,  16  ■  65  in 
116.8  ■  165  I  i  in    Museo  National  Centra  de  Arte  Reina  Sofia,  Madrid 

FIG    i 

Irani  isio  de  (in\a.  Still  Lift  with  WomltinL,  IHIIS    l_'    ( )il  on  Canvas, 

17     <  24    in.    15.1  <  62.9  era     [Tie  Meadows  Museum,  Southern 
Methodisl  I  [ii\<'isii\.  Dallas. 


ROBKRT  ROSKNBI  I'M       17 


allusion  to  one  of  the  most  familiar  images  in  Span- 
ish art,  the  Virgen  de  las  Dolores  or  the  Virgen  de 
las  Angustias  (the  Virgin  of  Sorrows  or  Anguish), 
as  often  recreated  in  Spanish  baroque  polychrome 
sculpture  and  in  popular  religious  art  throughout 
the  Hispanic  world.  The  tongue  of  Guernica  s  griev- 
ing mother  is  shaped  like  sharp,  pointed  metal,  a 
metaphor  for  a  sword  (like  the  one  that  pierces  the 
flank  of  the  neighboring  horse)  and  an  allusion  to 
the  piercing  metal  that  intensifies  so  many  Spanish 
depictions  of  the  Virgin,  who,  as  in  Gregorio 
Fernandez's  Virgin  of  Sorrows,  plunges  a  sword  into 
her  own  heart,  her  radiant  halo  a  painful  crown  of 
metallic  thorns  (fig.  14). 

This  excruciating  image  of  metal  cutting  into 
flesh  can  be  found  not  only  in  many  of  the  prelimi- 
nary studies  for  Guernica,  but  also  in  the  series  of 
weeping  women  that  followed  it.20  In  one  prepara- 
tory study  of  28  May  1937  (cat.  no.  6),  a  mother 
rushes  from  a  burning  building,  her  sharply  pointed 
tongue  directed  straight  up  to  the  malevolent  heav- 
ens as  she  holds  a  dying  child  whose  chest,  along 
with  the  mother's  protective  right  hand,  seems  to 
have  been  pierced  by  a  broken  sword  hurled,  like 
one  of  Jupiter's  thunderbolts,  from  a  stormy  sky.21 
Could  this  be  a  memory,  too,  of  the  centurion's 
lance  that  leaves  the  mark  of  the  fatal  wound  on 
Christ's  side?  And  in  this  drawing,  the  screaming 
mother's  hair  is  exactly  that,  a  tumble  of  real 
human  hair  fixed  to  the  paper,  a  startling  new  form 
of  collage  as  well  as  a  survival  of  the  Spanish  tradi- 
tion of  including  common  realities  —  clothing, 
blood,  hair  —  in  sculptural  depictions  of  Christian 
themes,  whether  in  the  most  exalted  shrines  or  in 
the  pasos,  the  popular,  lifesize  processional  figures 
wheeled  through  the  streets  during  Holy  Week. 
And  in  the  same  spirit  of  mixing  tangible  facts  and 
pictorial  fictions,  Picasso,  during  the  evolution  of 
Guernica,  added  patches  of  patterned  wallpaper  as 
dresses  for  three  of  the  painting's  four  women,  as 
well  as  affixing,  according  to  an  unforgettable 
account  by  Roland  Penrose,  a  strip  of  toilet  paper 
to  the  kneeling  woman's  exposed  buttocks." 

As  is  so  often  the  case  with  Picasso,  such  tech- 
niques and  images  often  recall  the  artist's  child- 
hood memories.  Of  surprising  relevance  here  is  the 


Gregorio  Fernandez,  Virgin  oj  Sorrows,  17th  century.  Mixed  media. 
La  Iglesia  de  la  Vera  Cruz,  Valladolid,  Spain. 


fact  that  Picasso's  father  had  once  created  his  own 
Virgin  of  Sorrows  from  a  bust  of  Venus  acquired  at 
a  flea  market.  By  covering  the  pagan  head  with  a 
plaster-dipped  cloth,  adorning  it  with  a  metal  halo 
and  a  garland  of  flowers,  as  well  as  adding  fake 
tears  and  painted  eyebrows  to  the  face,  he  trans- 
formed the  sculpture  into  a  Spanish  religious  icon. 
When,  in  1954,  Rosamond  Bernier  went  to  Barce- 
lona to  gather  material  on  early  Picasso  for  the 
magazine  L'Oeil,  she  visited  the  Picasso  family's 
apartment  and  photographed  many  of  its  contents, 
including  the  corner  shelf  upon  which  this  conver- 
sion of  an  antique  deity  to  Catholicism  still  resided 
like  a  holy  image.  On  seeing  the  photo,  Picasso 
commented  that  he  had  always  loved  this  odd 
work,  that  it  was  a  "collage  avant  la  lettre."" 

The  motif  of  the  Virgin  of  Sorrows  is  one  that 
casts  its  painful  shadow  across  many  of  the  draw- 
ings, prints,  and  paintings  of  convulsively  sobbing 
women  that  Picasso  continued  to  make  during  the 
aftershock  of  Guernica.  More  specifically,  many  of 
them  appear  to  have  as  the  physical  source  of  pain 
long,  pointed  darning-needle  shapes  that,  replacing 
their  original  function  as  symbols  of  female  handi- 
work, actually  pierce  the  tear  ducts,  releasing  at 
times  the  kind  of  comma-shaped  tears  frequently 
represented  in  Spanish  polychrome  sculpture  by 
bits  of  shaped  glass.  And  as  often  happened  with 
Picasso,  these  implicit  allusions  to  old-master  art 
would  become  ever  more  explicit  in  his  later  work. 
In  a  lithograph  dated  2  March  1959,  he  actually 


48     PICASSO'S  DISASTERS  OF  WAR 


Pablo  Picasso,  Staler  Dolorosa    Jacqueline  Roque  ,  _'  March   1959 

Lithograph,  II     •  I"    in.    s'  x  27  cm). 


made  a  portrait  of  his  wife-to-be,  Jacqueline  Roque, 
as  the  Virgin  of  Sorrows,  her  eyes  streaming  tears 
and  her  exposed  heart  pierced  by  swordlike  stems 
of  flowers  (fig.  15). 

Like  Joyce,  Picasso  had  a  genius  for  densely  lay- 
ered punning  that  can  take  us  back  through  many 
genealogical  tables  to  a  variety  of  archetypes;  and 
in  the  case  of  Guernica,  this  genius  is  so  abundant 
that  later  commentators  have  been  able  to  find 
cryptic  references  to  everything  from  Vishnu  and 
the  Rape  of  Europa  to  Pinocchio  and  Hitler.  '  But 
on  a  more  modest  level  of  the  kind  of  speculation 
Picasso's  art  will  always  invite,  the  multiple  refer- 
ences to  archetypal  Christian  themes,  shown  as  a 
shocking  anthology  of  sacrilegious  inversions,  fall 
into  clearer  focus.  The  very  structure  of  the  paint- 
ing evokes  one  of  the  most  familiar  formats  of 
Catholic  altarpieces,  the  triptych.  A  particularly 


relevant  example,  Matthias  Griinewald's  Isenheim 

Altar,  which  was  published  in  1936  fo]   Cafliers 
d'Artb)  Picasso's  friend  and  cataloguer,  Christian 
Zervos,  had  alread)  provided  constant  inspiration 
for  the  artist  in  the  1930s,    as  it  did  for  other  mas 
ters  of  the  decade,  especiall)  in  German)  Max 
Beckmann  and  Otto  Dix.  Dix's  triptych  with 
predella  of  1929  32,  War  (fig.  16),  a  gruesome 
memory  of  death  in  the  trenches,  offered  a  parti<  u 
larlv  blasphemous  reincarnation  of  his  sixteenth 
century  compatriot's  anguished  view  of  Christian 
suffering  and  ultimate  redemption. 

But  there  are,  of  course,  other  inescapable  mem 
ories  of  Christianit)  in  Guernica.  The  dramatis  per 
sonae,  especially  given  the  actual  number  of 
women  and  children  who  died  during  the  bomb 
ing  of  the  city,  evoke  the  Massacre  of  the  Innocents 
(indeed,  the  French  press  could  refer  to  the  event 
as  the  "Massacre  du  Peuple  Basque" ',    a  theme 
whose  memory  is  also  grimly  alive  in  one  of  Goya's 
Disasters  of  War  [no.  11,  Nor  Do  These).  More  specif] 
call),  both  Poussin's  and  Reni's  interpretations  of 
the  biblical  massacre  are  often  cited  as  sources  of 
Guernica:"  In  addition,  the  apocalyptic  tenor  of  the 
whole  (which  may  also  be  discerned,  via  El  Greco, 
in  the  visionary  character  of  Les  Demoiselles  d 'Avignon) 
finds  a  corollary  in  the  familiar  motif  of  Death  on  a 
Pale  Horse.  The  speared,  agonized  animal  in  the 
center  of  Guernica,  beyond  its  references  to  the 
bullring,  also  evokes  the  ghostly  steed  from  Revela- 
tion who  thunders  across  the  earth  leaving  a  trail  of 
death  and  destruction.  It  was  a  biblical  image  of 
the  end  of  the  world,  now  consummated  through 
modern  warfare,  that  Picasso's  compatriot, Jose 
Gutierrez-Solana  (who  often  exhibited  in  Pans  and 
who  moved  there  in  1937),  had  ahead)  painted  in 
1920,29  probably  in  the  wake  of  Vicente  Blasco 
Ibarie/.'s  famous  novel  of  World  War  I,  The  Four 
Horsemen  of the  Apocalypse  (1916)  (fig.  17).  And 
Guernica's  In  use.  placed  in  conjunction  with 
the  decapitated,  hollow  warrior  on  the  ground, 
w  hose  eyes  and  mouth  remain  open  as  if  in  startled 
revelation,  ma\  allude  to  another  Christian  theme, 
the  Conversion  of  Saint  Paul,  especiall)  Caravag- 
gio's  version,    although  that  miracle  of  revelation 
would  here  become  a  satanic  parody,  since  the 


KOHl  Kl    Kosi  \1U  1    \|       I" 


would-be  convert  now  looks  up  with  open, 
yet  sightless  eyes  to  an  evil  apparition. 

Providing  yet  another  allusion  to  Christ- 
ian iconography,  at  the  right-hand  side  of 
the  "triptych,"  is  the  split-second  image  of 
a  woman,  her  dress  on  fire,  falling  like  a 
living  torch  from  a  window,  at  the  same 
moment  the  bird  drops  to  its  death  from 
the  sky.  With  her  arms  stretched  to  the 
heavens  in  agony,  the  woman  seems, 
among  other  things,  a  chillingly  apt  quota- 
tion from  the  Disasters  of  War,  whether  as 
the  pair  of  hands  reaching  up  from  the 
chaos  of  a  crowd  escaping  through  flames 
(no.  41,  They  Escape  through  the  Flames)3'  or 
the  startling  sight  of  a  corpse  just  as  it  is  hurled  into 
a  ditch  that  serves  as  a  communal  grave  (no.  27, 
Charity,  and  no.  30,  Ravages  of  War).  It  is  telling  that 
Goya  is  reputed  to  have  said  that  the  essential  qual- 
ities of  a  draftsman  lay  in  the  ability  to  seize  the 
five  cardinal  points  of  a  figure  as  it  falls  from  a  roof 
to  the  ground,"  and  indeed,  he  often  demonstrated 
this  ability  to  capture  the  shock  of  a  body  falling 
mid-air.  Could  Picasso  have  had  this  in  mind 
when,  like  a  journalist  at  the  front  with  a  flash  cam- 
era, he  captured  the  minisecond  of  horror  endured 
by  the  flaming  woman  before  she  hits  the  ground? 

In  any  case,  her  posture,  with  its  painfully 
stretched  arms  and  exposed  palms,  first  essayed  in 
the  drawing  of  a  falling  man  (27  May  1937;  Museo 
Nacional  Centro  de  Arte  Reina  Sofia,  Madrid), 
evokes  a  Crucifixion,  especially  in  conjunction 
with  the  Pieta-like  left-hand  grouping  of  this  trip- 
tych. And  here,  as  well,  Picasso  has  maligned  the 
structure  of  Christian  altarpieces,  since  either  one 
of  these  themes,  the  Crucifixion  or  the  Pieta,  would 
conventionally  be  relegated  to  the  larger,  middle 
section  of  a  triptych,  whereas  in  Guernica,  both  are 
peripheral,  leaving  for  the  central  devotional  image 
nothing  but  the  earthbound  debris  of  a  new  form 
of  destruction  from  the  air.  As  a  further  irony,  the 
woman,  who,  with  bared  buttocks  and  one  knee 
dragging,  raises  her  eyes  in  bewilderment  to  the 
skies,  is  not  only  a  parody  of  Ingres's  painting  of 
Thetis  beseeching  Jupiter  to  help  her  son  Achilles 
in  the  Trojan  Wars  below  (fig.  18),"  but  also  recalls 


Otto  Dix,  War,  1929-32.  Mixed  media  on  panel.  103/,  x  160%  in. 
(264  x  408  cm)  (overall).  Staatliche  Kunstsammlungen  Dresden. 


the  awestruck,  kneeling  posture  of  prayer  associ- 
ated with  Catholic  traditions  of  rural  feminine 
piety,  an  expression  of  wide-eyed,  simpleminded 
faith  often  recorded  by  Goya." 

Guernica  was  hardly  the  first  of  Picasso's  refer- 
ences to  the  collision  between  the  realities  of  the 
twentieth  century  and  the  venerable  Catholic  tradi- 
tions that  had  nurtured  him  in  Spain,  but  his  earlier 
heresies  had  been  more  humorous,  sporadic,  or 
single-minded  in  their  allusions  to  Christian  rituals 
and  symbols.  In  Guernica,  the  artist's  awareness  of 
the  impossible  disparity  between  a  new  kind  of 
modern  warfare  and  the  ancient  faith  in  heavenly 
redemption  through  suffering  takes  on  a  numbing, 
apocalyptic  vastness  that  resurrects  for  our  own 
century  the  shock  of  Goya's  Third  of  May,  yielding 
a  universal  vision  of  the  way  these  holy  images 
from  churches  and  museums  had  become  pitiful 
anachronisms,  to  be  remembered  only  by  mock- 
ery. To  be  sure,  Picasso  was  never  able  to  repeat 
the  epic  sweep  of  Guernica  s  proclamation  of  a  new 
form  of  anti-Christian  evil,  but  the  aftershocks 
could  be  felt  again  and  again  throughout  the  war 
years,  in  both  oblique  and  direct  ways. 

Night  Fishing  at  Antibes  (cat.  no.  31)  was  com- 
pleted at  the  end  of  August  1939,  on  the  eve  of 
Germany's  invasion  of  Poland  on  1  September  and 


50     PICASSO'S  DISASTERS  OF  WAR 


the  declaration  of  war.  It  has  been  persuasively 
interpreted  by  Timothy  Anglin  Burgard  '  as  a 
painting  that,  beginning  superficially  as  a  Mediter- 
ranean genre  scene,  reveals  a  wealth  of  references 
to  the  defeat  of  Republican  Spain,  to  the  women  in 
Picasso's  private  life,  and  to  traditions  of  Christian 
imagery."  Absorbed  here  are  such  canonic  images 
as  Raphael's  Miraculous  Draft  of  Fishes,  such  works 
of  Spanish  medieval  art  as  a  scene  from  the  life  of 
Saint  Vincent  that  was  surely  known  to  Picasso, 
and  still  more  of  the  apocalyptic  imagery  of  the 
Beatus  manuscripts  that  had  so  often  nourished  his 
imagination.  These  visions  might  include  the  spiral- 
ing  yellow-orange  light  at  the  top  of  the  painting 
that  can  be  read  not  only  as  the  fishermen's  acety- 
lene decoy  lamp  that  substitutes  for  solar  light,  but 
also  as  the  apparition  of  a  comet  or  shooting  star 
signaling  imminent,  airborne  calamity.  Moreover, 
the  two  female  spectators  on  the  jetty  may  be 
interpreted  as  a  complementary  pair  of  visionary 
personae.  Dora  Maar  reincarnates  the  Whore  of 
Babylon,  lewdly  licking  her  double-scoop  ice- 
cream cone  with  the  tongue  of  her  ithyphallic  head 
while  clutching  with  her  other  hand  the  bicycle's 
handlebar  at  the  appropriate  place  in  her  skirt;  and 
Jacqueline  Lamba,  Andre  Breton's  wife,  reincar- 
nates the  Woman  of  the  Apocalypse,  clothed  in  the 
sun,  the  crescent  moon  at  her  feet.  Opposed  to  the 
pseudosolar  blaze  in  the  heavens  above,  she  seems 
to  offer  a  lunar  counterpart  to  the  whore,  with  a 
crescent-moon  profile  superimposed  on  a  face 
bathed  in  milky  light.  Moreover,  the  central  drama 
of  the  painting  may  allude  through  traditional 
Christian  iconography  to  the  sacrifice  of  Christ. 
The  fish  (here  a  sole,  whose  oddly  flattened  eyes 
and  "face"  once  prompted  Alfred  H.  Barr  to  call  it 
the  "most  Picassoid  of  fishes") M  was  often  read  as  a 
symbol  of  Christ  and,  when  pierced  by  a  trident, 
became  a  symbol  of  the  Crucifixion.39  In  Night  Fish- 
ing, the  trident,  now  provided  with  an  extra  tine,  like 
a  table  fork  about  to  attack  a  platter  offish,  becomes  a 
four-pronged  spear  that  is  seen  at  the  instant  before  it 
claims  its  sacrificial  victim.  Meanwhile,  the  ordinal) 
fish  at  the  left  has  just  swum  past  the  diagonal  line 
tied  to  the  toe  of  the  other  fisherman,  who,  clumsily 
poised  and  stupidly  staring  at  the  water,  offers  a  foil 


Jose  Gutierrez.  Solatia.  I  hi   Win,  \'J'20.  ( )il  on  canvas,  12  x  ,!_'  ■  m 
lOll  7  \  82. (i  tin  .  Private  collection,  Madrid. 


to  the  focused,  elegant  precision  of  his  companion, 
whose  clutched  weapon  is  as  unswervingly  vertical 
as  a  plumb  line.  Does  this  would-be  genre  scene,  of 
an  imposing  size  that  rivals  Guernica,  evoke  a  dis- 
torted, wartorn  memory  of  Christian  sacrifice  in  the 
way  that,  later  in  1943,  the  noble  solemnity  of  the 
bronze  Man  with  a  Lamb  (cat.  no.  (>(>)  would  echo 
back  through  the  Bible  to  the  Sacrifice  of  Isaac?  And 
might  the  white-and-yellow  lamp  that,  from  the  prow 
of  the  boat,  casts  its  beams  upon  the  sole  echo  the 
lethal  lantern  in  Goya's  Third  of  May? 

Animal  sacrifice,  the  soul  of  bullfighting  and, 
for  Picasso,  a  recurrent  memory  of  both  pagan 
and  Christian  motifs,  left  its  terror,  blood,  and 
bones  on  main  works  from  the  war  years.  AlreatK 
in  April  U)'A9,  another  bird  becomes  the  victim 
of  a  new  kind  of  savagery  in  the  two  versions  oi 
a  ferocious  cat  (22  [cat.  no.  30]  and  24  {?]  April 
[Zervos  IX,  25)7])  torturing  a  fluttering  bird  whose 
screaming,  open  beak  and  helpless  legs  echo  the 


ROHK.RT  ROSKNBLUM      51 


desperation  of  its  falling  prototype  in  Guernica. 
On  13  November  1941,  Picasso  returned  to  the 
more  familiar  prewar  theme  of  a  bird  —  in  this 
case,  a  white  pigeon  —  lying  on  what  resembles 
an  aerial  view  of  a  tabletop  whose  brilliant  reds 
and  yellows  assert  the  Spanish  national  colors  (cat. 
no.  48). t0  With  its  outstretched  red  legs  and  claws 
that  seem  to  penetrate  the  bird's  own  body  like  a 
sword,  this  ironic  dove  of  peace  also  evokes  an  air- 
plane through  the  unexpectedly  smooth,  metallic 
configuration  of  the  taut  upper  wing,  which  con- 
trasts to  the  feathered  contour  of  the  lower  wing 
falling  toward  the  earth. 

Of  the  wartime  animal  victims,  few,  if  any,  are 
more  brutalized  than  the  sheep  whose  heads  and 
skulls  make  up  a  grisly  sequence  that,  moving  from 
sketchbook  to  paintings,  Picasso  started  in  Royan 
on  30  September  1939,  at  the  end  of  the  bleak 
month  that  began  with  an  official  declaration  of 
war.  Ranging  from  the  shadowy,  bone-dry  skull  of 
a  black-and-white  india  ink  drawing  (1  October 
1939)  (cat.  no.  34)  to  the  painting  of  a  flayed  head 
whose  blood-red  tissues  seem  caught  between  life 
and  death  (4  October  1939)  (cat.  no.  35),  these 
butcher's  trophies  add  a  new  dimension  to  the 
Spanish  tradition  of  memento  mori,  painfully 
appropriate  to  the  outbreak  of  an  ever-expanding 
war.  In  her  eloquent  and  detailed  account  of  this 
series,  Jean  Sutherland  Boggs  raised  exactly  those 
questions  pertinent  to  Guernica's  heretical  fusion  of 
Catholic  symbolism  and  Goya's  black  vision  of 
modern  history."  Are  these  slaughtered  -  in  fact, 
decapitated  -  sheep  or  lambs  to  be  read  as  night- 
mare mutations  of  the  Agnus  Dei,  the  lamb  of  God, 
who  might  also  be  resurrected  in  more  hopeful 
terms  in  the  bronze  Man  with  a  Lamb?'2  Indeed, 
Christian  iconography  offers  as  many  different 
readings  of  the  lamb  as  does  the  most  multilayered 
of  Picasso's  own  images.  It  may  symbolize  not  only 
the  Crucifixion  and  the  Eucharist,  as  in  Zurbaran's 
starkly  shadowed  image  of  a  haloed,  woolly  lamb 
with  its  four  legs  bound  together  for  slaughter,"  but 
also  the  Resurrection,  a  redeemed  sinner,  a  faithful 
member  of  the  flock,  or,  in  still  more  general 
terms,  a  harmless  innocence.matching  that  of  the 
dove  of  peace  (or  Holy  Spirit)  that  so  often  is  killed 


and  mysteriously  reborn  in  Picasso's  art  and  life, 
even  in  the  name  of  his  second  daughter,  Paloma.44 

As  with  Guernica,  Goya's  dark  shadow  also  hov- 
ers over  these  remnants  from  a  butcher's  counter. 
Just  as  he  had  depicted  the  humanoid  corpses  of 
birds  during  the  years  of  the  Napoleonic  invasion, 
so,  too,  did  Goya  paint  an  even  more  gruesome 
still  life  of  a  sheep  hacked  into  a  dismembered 
head,  two  rib  cages,  and  the  end  of  a  joint,  a  can- 
vas that,  with  grimly  perfect  timing  for  Picasso, 
was  acquired  by  the  Musee  du  Louvre  in  1937.4' 
One  of  Picasso's  variations  on  this  morbid  theme, 
6  October  1939  (cat.  no.  36),  is  particularly  close  to 
Goya  in  its  inclusion  of  a  rib-cage  fragment,  but  the 
head's  almost  audible  scream  defies  the  inertia 
of  Goya's  sheep's  head  and  resonates  back  to  the 
hysterical  noise  of  Guernica. 

After  the  screams  of  war,  however,  the  eerie, 
eternal  silence  of  death  must  preside,  as  it  finally 
does  in  human  terms  in  Picasso's  graveyard  climax 
to  these  apocalyptic  years,  the  Charnel  House  (cat. 
no.  82),  begun  in  February  1945,  when  the  end  of 
the  war  was  in  sight.41'  The  satanic  sky,  source  of 
the  explosive,  deathly  energy  in  Guernica,  has  van- 
ished. The  upper  zone  of  the  canvas  is  left  incom- 
plete, a  linear  skeleton  of  a  still  life  -  pitcher  and 
casserole  on  a  tabletop  -  that,  by  contrast,  intensi- 
fies the  earthbound  density  of  the  human  dump 
heap  abandoned  in  the  constricted  space  of  a 
kitchen  floor.  From  these  corpses,  a  suggestion  of 
ghostly  fire  rises  toward  the  upper  right,  a  memory 
perhaps  of  the  ovens  in  the  concentration  camps, 
also  evoked,  in  a  startlingly  direct  way,  in  Picasso's 
ready-made  sculpture  of  1945,  the  Venus  of  Gas,  a 
gas  stove  he  found  that  recalls  both  a  prehistoric 
fertility  goddess  and  one  of  the  Nazis'  infamous 
new  methods  of  genocide.47  For  such  a  scene  of 
the  human  garbage  of  warfare,  Picasso,  of  course, 
could  turn  to  many  plates  from  the  Disasters  of  War 
(especially  nos.  18-27)48  and  he  may  even  have  had 
in  mind,  given  the  domestic  setting  with  its  mur- 
dered nuclear  family  scattered  among  the  now 
equally  inanimate  furniture,  Daumier's  famous  lith- 
ograph of  the  slaughter  in  a  bedroom  of  four  mem- 
bers of  a  Parisian  family  (mother,  father,  infant, 
and  grandparent)  on  the  rue  Transnonain  during 


52      PICASSO'S  DISASTERS  OF  WAR 


the  workers'  uprisings  of  14-1")  April  1834.  But 
these  memories  of  art  were  also  reincarnated  for 
Picasso  in  the  present  tense  of  contemporary  his- 
tory through  the  medium  of  journalistic  photogra- 
phy, just  as  in  15)37  he  had  turned  to  news  accounts 
of  the  bombing  of  Guernica  provided  by  the 
French  press.  Presumably  Picasso  saw  for  the  first 
time,  in  194"),  the  realities  of  the  concentration 
camps  as  revealed  through  black-and-white  pho- 
tographs, although  it  has  recently  been  suggested 
that  it  was  more  likely  an  earlier  photograph  of  the 
corpses  of  Soviet  victims,  reproduced  in  the  13 
December  1944  issue  of  LHumanite,  that  initially 
triggered  his  imagination  when  working  on  the 
Char  ml  House."  But  whatever  the  case,  the  Charnel 
House,  like  Guernica,  far  transcends  the  particulars 
of  modern  historical  fact.  As  a  tombstonelike 
epilogue  to  the  1937  mural  that  appeared  to  launch 
this  universal  evil,  the  Charnel  House  also  turns 
Christianity  upside  down.  The  male  victim,  a 
father,  still  bears  the  marks  of  his  torture,  his  wrists 
bound  like  the  legs  of  the  sacrificial  lamb  in  the 
bronze  of  1943.  But  this  binding  brutally  forces  his 
arms  to  rise  high  over  his  floor-bound  head,  in  a 
gross  distortion  of  the  Crucifixion,  a  hideous  varia- 
tion on  Saint  Peter's  own  inversion  of  Christ's 
martyrdom.  A  stream  of  blood  flows  from  the  dead 
mother's  breast,  as  if  from  Christ's  lanced  side, 
pointlessly  falling  onto  first  one,  and  then  the 
other,  of  the  dead  infant's  outstretched  hands  in 
another  mockery  of  the  Eucharistic  blood  of  Christ 
received  in  Holy  Communion. 

Perhaps  the  ultimate  blasphemy  is  the  way  in 
which  Picasso  has  extracted  a  skeletal,  bone-white 
cruciform  pattern  from  the  painful  intersection  of 
the  father's  bound  forearms.  This  ghost  of  a  cross, 
rising  above  the  camouflaged  chaos  of  a  family  of 
corpses,  is  a  shocking  reminder  in  this  makeshift 
cemetery  of  a  long-lost  world.  William  Rubin  once 
aptly  referred  to  the  Charnel  House  as  a  requiem. 
But  Picasso  also  tells  us  that  by  L945  there  is  no 
longer  any  church  where  a  mass  for  these  victims 
can  be  performed. 


Jean-Auguste  Dominique  I ngres,Jupiter and  Ilutis,  1811.  <  )il  on  canvi 
131  ■  102%  in.  (327  x  260  cm).  Musee  Granet,  Vix-en-Provence. 


ROBKRT  ROSKNBI.UM      53 


Death  Falling  from  the  Sky: 
Picasso's  Wartime  Texts 


Lydia  Csatb  Gasman 


That  (hath  amid  fall  from  heaven 
on  so  many,  right  in  the  middlt  oj 
rushed  life,  has  always  had  great 
meaning  for  me.     Picasso,  1967 

The  "homhh  i  xpeeted" 

in  Paris  at  the  outset  of  World 
Wa\  II prompted  Picasso's  flight 
in  Royan  <m  the  mast  of  the 
Atlantic.  --  Brassai,  1966 


Xicasso  was  not  the  only  one  who  feared 
bombings  from  the  air.  By  the  mid- 1930s, 
many  observant  Europeans  had  succumbed  to  the 
inordinate  fear  of  an  apocalyptic  air  power.  During 
the  Spanish  Civil  War  and  World  War  II,  Nazi 
flying  machines  whose  destructiveness  far  sur- 
passed that  of  the  German  Zeppelins  and  "Gotha" 
bombers  in  World  War  I  seemed  to  enforce  the 
end  of  Western  civilization.  Air  power  was  any- 
thing but  abstract.  The  flying  Death  in  the  famous 
Triumph  of  Death  at  the  Camposanto  in  Pisa'  and 
the  dropping  demons  in  the  naive  Temptation  oj 
Saint  Anthony,  reproduced  in  the  winter  1937  issue 
of  Minotaure  (fig.  1),   now  became  real.  Death 
descending  from  the  air  was  there  for  all  to  see,  so 
tangible  and  tragic  that  it  appeared  farcical,  a  stan- 
dard subject  for  cartoons  such  as  the  winged  skele- 
ton dispatching  bombs  in  the  Republican  El  Angel 
de  la  Paz  .  .  .  de  los  Faseistas!  (fig.  2)  and  the  winged 
messengers  of  the  gestapo  in  David  Low's  AngeLs  of 
Peace  Descend  on  Belgium  (fig.  3).  Picasso  wrote  that 
his  "eyes  [were]  caught  by  the  sk\"of  war.'  In  his 
poetic  thinking,  the  sinister  planes  of  the  encim 
swooping  repeatedly,  together  with  the  "sky  that 
lets  itself  down"  (222)*  —  brushed  against  him, 
affecting  his  psychological  makeup,  physiological 


functions,  and  power  to  create.  Diving  vertically, 
the  "sky  [let]  its  fist  fall"  (178)  on  Picasso.  His  skin, 
he  sensed,  was  badgered  by  the  buzzing  bombers7/ 
"bees  .  .  .  of  the  sky"  (210).  The  "wings  of  the  sky 
.  .  .  shook  off  their  fleas"  (215)  onto  his  being. 
Fear  of  bombs  hammering  from  the  sky  is 
altogether  different  from  trepidations  that  daze 
the  psyche  fallen  prey  to  war  pressures.  While  the 
fear  of  air  raids  is  rational, B  in  1940  Marc  Bloch 
witnessed  and  recorded  the  "cold fear"  inspired  by 
air  bombing  that  provokes  a  far-reaching  disorder 
in  the  nervous  system.    Its  roots,  he  concluded, 
arc  "very  deep  in  human  nature"  and  manifest  a 
"peculiarly  illogical"  dimension  of  the  "instinct  for 
self-preservation."  Though  an  attack  from  the  sk) 
is,  "probably,  in  itself,  no  more'  actually  dangerous 
than  main  other  kinds  of  peril  to  which  the  sol- 
dier" or  the  civilian  is  exposed,  no  one  is  "ever 
likelv  to  forget  the  experience"  of  "dive-bombers," 
their  dreadful  "acoustic  qualities,"  in  themselves 
capable  of  "so  work[ing]  upon  the  nerves  that  the) 
become  wrought  to  a  pitch  of  intolerable  tension 
whence  it  is  a  very  short  step  to  panic."    The  point 


'Numbers  in  parentheses  thai  follow  quotations  refei  to  pages  in  fteasso: 
Collected  Writings,  ed  Marie-Laure  Bernadai  and  Christine  Piol   New  Vnk 
Abbeville  Press,  1989     VIsoseenoti  6 


55 


predicament,  but  also  from  the  knowledge  that 
bombs  may  hit  those  who  are  close  to  you. 
Distance  from  actual  bombing  can  worsen  rather 
than  quell  anguish;  evil  imagined  can  be  more 
intolerable  than  evil  endured.  Starkly  present,  it 
flees  retaliation.  Post-traumatic  stress  disorder  is 
not  uncommonly  caused  by  "accounts  of  death  or 
injury  (in  contrast  to  direct  encounters)."  Being 
"'confronted1  with  traumatic  events  would  include 
'learning  about  unexpected  or  violent  death,  seri- 
ous harm,  or  threat  of  death  or  injury'"1,  occurring 
in  faraway  communities  to  which  the  (confronted) 
individual  is  loyal. 


Jose  Guadalupe  Posada,  Temptation  of  Saint  Anthony.  Relief  etching  in  zinc, 
3%  x  5  '/.  in.  (9.8  k  14.(i  cm).  Minotaure  (winter  1937). 


is,  Bloch  suggests,  that  the  natural  assumption  of 
heaven  as  the  place  of  God  blends  into  dread  of 
the  sky  as  the  space  of  bombers.  Impacted  by 
"bombs  dropped  from  a  great  height,"  the  sublimi- 
nal wager  on  heavenly  goodness  breaks  down:" 
"The  combination  of  weight  and  altitude  gives 
them  an  appearance  of  almost  visible  violence 
which  no  shelter,  however  thick,  seems  capable  of 
resisting.  There  is  something  inhuman  about  the 
nature  of  the  trajectory  and  the  sense  of  power."  '2 
Picasso  himself  was  not  hit  by  bombs,  but  they 
did  strike  those  with  whom  he  identified.  It  was 
their  martyrdom  that  deep  down  martyred  him, 
regardless  of  his  pragmatic  selfishness  and  healthy 
appetite  for  living.  The  fear  of  air  raids  he  confessed 
to  only  in  his  writings  was  evidently  a  fear  for  the 
plight  of  other  human  beings.  They  were  the  "inter- 
subject,  [or]  co-subject""  of  Picasso's  Guernica  (see 
pages  40-41,  fig.  1),  of  shattering  passages  in  his 
wartime  texts,  and  of  their  guarded  transpositions 
in  concurrent  art  works.  As  he  himself  granted 
some  twenty  years  after  the  end  of  World  War  II, 
"that  death  could  fall  from  heaven  on  so  many, 
right  in  the  middle  of  rushed  life,  has  always 
had  a  great  meaning  for  me.""  Science  attests  that 
air-raid  terror  arises  not  only  from  a  personal 


[page  '.I | 

Pablo  Picasso 

<  at  Seizing  a  Bird   (lci.nl 

22  April  1939.  Cal   no    10 


AIR  POWER  AND  THE  RELIGION  OF  FEAR 

Shortly  before  the  Spanish  Civil  War,  Picasso's 
friend  Andre  Malraux  became  convinced  that  "the 
next  war  would  primarily  be  won  by  air  power.""' 
He  was  acquainted  with  the  Realpolitik  behind 
"strategic  terror  bombing,"17  the  military  theory 
first  formulated  by  General  Giulio  Douhet  in  the 
1920s, 1K  which  advocated  assaults  on  civilians  and 
nonmilitary  targets  in  order  to  undermine  the 
enemy's  will  and  capacity  to  resist.  In  Man 's  Hope 
(published  in  1938),  confirming  Douhet's  principle 
that  merciless  pounding  from  the  air  inflicts  dis- 
abling panic,  Malraux  proclaimed  that  something 
like  a  new  religion  of  fear  was  born  in  Spain  under 
the  "menace  of  the  sky."  When  he  is  on  the  street 
and  "under  fire"  from  Fascist  warplanes,  Moreno 
says  in  Man 's  Hope,  "I  don't  believe  in  'thinking 
things  out'  or  the  'eternal  verities,'  or  anything  at 
all.  I  believe  only  in  fear.  Real  fear,  not  the  sort  that 
makes  one  talk,  but  the  fear  that  sets  one  running."'" 
In  Man's  Hope,  fear  of  the  sky  is  a  quasi-religious  fear 
of  the  sublime.  During  an  air  raid,  people  hustling 
on  the  ground  are  not  simply  afraid  of  the  actual 
German,  Italian,  or  Spanish  warplanes,  but  are 
overwhelmed  as  if  by  a  natural  disaster,  not  bomb- 
ing but  an  "earthquake."  Air  raids  cause  the  "sort 
of  terror  a  cataclysm  inspires."2" 

Picasso's  fear  of  air  raids,  though  traceable  to  his 
brush  with  the  "Zeppelin  alarm"  in  World  War  I, 
stems  directly  from  his  identification  with  the  vic- 
tims of  diving  and  machine-gunning  airplanes  serv- 
ing Franco  in  the  Spanish  Civil  War.  His  fright  and 


56     DEATH  FALLING  FROM  THF  SKY 


fiNca  k  i\  m 


Z7? 


Iiiia  exploded  in  his  dense,  edifying  texts  written 
during  that  1936  39  fratricidal  conflagration. 
Though  polysemic  and  difficult    fragmented/ 
cubist  and  "automatic"  surrealist  -  the\  re  lei  unniis 
takably  to  his  dread  ol  the  air  and  heaven!)  power: 


// 


m 


w 


' 


. . 


• 


LAS3UYMTUKS  LHBftUAS 


7T 


W 


El  Angel  de  la  Paz    -de  los  Fascistas.'  ca.  193>  -.W.  C  Sol)  w  | m istei 


I).i\i(l  Low,  The  Angels  of  Peart  l)e\iend  mi  fielgium,  I'Md    Lithograp 


[1936] 

"sk\   .  .  .  fear  and  anguish  ...  a  child  cues"    86  ; 
"tight  black  juice  chest  cabin  .  .  .  hiding  the  Tear 
and  the  rancor  in  the  smoke  of  the  cigarette"  89  ; 
"good  and  evil  .  .  .  the  fear  the  difficulties  the  fleas" 
US  ;  "wing  .  .  .  desperate  cry"  (113);  "girl  dead  of 
fear"  (128);  "black  liquid  [rains]  .  .  .  the  dead  fall 
drop  by  drop"  (135) 

[1937] 

"wings  spread  out  [in]  the  blue  [sk\  |  .  .  .  hidjing] 
under  the  bed  trembling"  (140);  "clouds  shit  .  .  .  hor 
ror  and  despair"    155);  "spitting  fear  and  stinking 
mucous"  (156);  "the  head  .  .  .  falls  from  the  (world) 
ceiling  .  .  .  frightened  trembling  and  smelling  the 
warm  excrements"  (159);  "wing[ed]  tank  stuck  in  the 
blue  |sk\  |  .  .  .  the  rose  on  her  knees  dies  of  fear" 
(172);  "the  nest  of  vipers  .  .  .  the  desperate  cries  of 
birds  .  .  .  what  horror  what  distress  and  what  cold  in 
the  bones  and  what  unpleasant  odor  .  .  .  trembling 
from  fear"  (173);  "dead  of  fear  in  their  courtly  dress 
stained  by  tar"  (174);  "the  hairs  covering  the  clouds 
.  .  .  the  cabins  offered  sacrificed  at  the  redoubled 
blows  dealt  by  the  bulbs  bursting  between  the 
frozen  fingers  of  the  black  pole"  (175) 

[1938] 

"already  cold  and  trembling  from  fear  in  front  of 
the  firing  squad"  (178);  "the  void  .  .  .  trembling  and 
frozen  covered  bv  snow  hidden  under  the  armoire" 
(184);  "black  ray  of  the  sun  knocking  at  the  door"   186  ; 
"sun  .  .  .  military  music  .  .  .  frozen  of  fear"   195 

[1939] 

"the  blows  of  scythes  dealt  by  the  sun  this  moment 
to  the  table  and  the  floor"  (204  ;  "the  azure  so  pure 
of  the  pate  of  excrements  placed  on  the  sk\  ol  the 
night"   208);  "sky  empty  of  caresses  and  laughter" 
210  ;  "the  infinite  center  of  the  void  on  the  skin 
torn  off  the  house"  (211);  "the  house  empties  its 
tripes  on  the  sk\"   212). 


l.YDIA  CSATO  GASMAN      57 


It  was,  of  course,  the  bombing  of  Guernica  that 
shook  Picasso  first  and  marked  him  forever.  After 
all,  Guernica  remains  the  paradigmatic  outcry 
against  destruction  from  the  air,  and  it  was  while 
completing  it  in  1937  that  Picasso  first  explained 
his  hypothesis  that  dark  hostile  forces  control 
events  in  the  here  and  now  and  through  them 
awaken  atavistic  terrors.22  In  a  performance-collage 
done  ad  hoc  for  Roland  Penrose  and  Henry  Moore, 
Picasso  dramatized  the  visceral  fear  of  dive-bombers 
tumbling  from  the  "blue  [sky,  which]  sets  on  fire  the 
black  of  the  space"  (122);  he  pinned  a  "long  piece  of 
toilet  paper"  to  the  hand  of  the  running  woman  on  the 
right  of  Guernica  to  bare  what  he  called  the  "common- 
est and  most  primitive  effect  of  fear."23  If  scatological, 
this  concept  was  truthful. 

PICASSO'S  PRAYER  TO  THE  SKY,  1938 
In  1938,  after  mangling  Guernica,  Franco  gained 
control  of  the  air  and  was  therefore  poised  for  final 
victory.  When  Picasso  read  that  "all  neighborhoods 
[of  Barcelona]  had  been  hit"  in  March,  he  is  said  to 
have  fearfully  reported  to  Spanish  friends  in  Paris: 
"My  mother  is  perhaps  dead.  My  loved  ones  are 
perhaps  dead."  '  The  wickedness  of  the  sky 
reached  such  a  peak  for  Picasso  in  1938  that  for 
the  first  and  only  time  in  his  writings  he  ended  the 
texts  he  completed  that  year  by  imploring  and  cast- 
ing a  spell  on  the  sky.  The  "sky  bursts  and  spreads 


Pablo  I'nasso.   Wnmiii  tit  I'hai  linhlli,  lll.'W.  Collate  with  paint  on  paper, 

117%xl68    m    299>   W8cm).  Musee  Picasso,  Paris.  M.P.  176. 


on  the  walls  and  the  ceiling  its  juice  of  military 
marches"  (193);  "vipers,"  not  angels,  fly  in  the 
"mathematical  square  of  the  air"  (196);  the  "sun 
hidden  in  a  block  of  ice"  is  "crushed  on  the  sky 
by  the  cries  of  pain"  (196);  the  "gangrene  of  the 
shadow  .  .  .  dives"  (178),  "hiding  the  aroma  of  the 
rays  of  the  rainbow"  (180);  and  a  flying  Apocalyptic 
"boat  [is]  detach[ing]  [itself]  from  the  ceiling  of  the 
[world]"  (195).  Nauseated,  Picasso  cursed  the  abra- 
sive "light  of  the  ceiling,"  swearing  to  extinguish  its 
malice:  "throw  the  ashes  of  the  light  of  the  ceiling 
into  the  jaws  of  the  drawing  that  would  like  to  tear 
to  pieces  the  illusion  of  the  hoof  of  shadow"  (183). 

About  a  month  prior  to  the  steady  bombing  of 
Barcelona  between  16  and  18  March  1938,  when 
"panic  and  fear"2,  gripped  the  civilian  population, 
1,300  dying  and  2,000  being  injured,2'1  Picasso 
engaged  in  a  surrealist  game  of  questions  and 
answers.  Underlying  this  written  dialogue  with 
himself  is  the  cause-and-effect  relation  between  the 
Republican  "pigeons" /planes  of  peace  and  the 
"dead  citizens"  of  the  Spanish  nation.  Asking  what 
the  volitating  "veils  of  pigeons"  mean,  in  a  tour  de 
force  of  eliding  and  coding  Picasso  answered  that 
they  stand  for  the  Republic's  futile  efforts  to  make 
peace  by  making  war  and  for  the  death  of  the 
Spanish  people.  "The  veils  of  pigeons"  correspond 
to  the  "weapons  of  the  citizens  dead  in  vain  buried 
in  the  earth  and  eating  the  worms  of  corpses"  (180). 2 

Like  the  running  woman  in  Guernica  and  like 
Guernico  in  Man's  Hope,  who  "tried  to  run,  but 
stumbled  at  every  step  over  heaped  up  paving 
stones,"2"  Picasso  knew  fear  and  the  shame  of  being 
afraid.  During  World  War  II  he  hid  under  a  table 
when  he  heard  what  he  thought  was  a  bomb  blast 
(in  fact  an  exploding  kitchen  pot).  Marie-Therese 
Walter,  remembering  this  humiliating  outburst  of 
panic,  remarked  that  Picasso  behaved  egotistically 
and  that  instead  of  "protecting  our  child"  thought 
only  of  his  own  safety. "  Yet  his  hiding  (which  was 
also  a  leitmotif  of  his  wartime  writings),  was  not  an 
expression  of  vulgar  selfishness.  Rather,  it  mani- 
fested Picasso's  vivid  participation  in  the  psycho- 
physiological reactions  of  those  directly  targeted  by 
terrorism  from  the  air.1"  In  February  1938,  for 
example,  when  the  Nazi  Condor  Legion  "began  to 


58      DEATH  FALLING  FROM  THK  SKY 


[n]  ciel  ciel  ciel  ciel  ciel  ciel  ciel  ciel  ciel  violet  violet  ciel  ciel  ciel  violet 
violet  violet  ciel  ciel  ciel  violet  violet  violet  ciel  ciel  ciel  ciel  violet  violet 
violet  violet  ciel  ciel  ciel  ciel  violet  violet  violet  violet  ciel  ciel  ciel  ciel 
violet  violet  violet  ciel  ciel  ciel  violet  vert  ciel  ciel  ciel  ciel  vert  vert 
ciel  ciel  ciel  ciel  noir  vert  vert  ciel  matron  ciel  ciel  ciel  noir  noir  noir 
noir  noir  blanc  blanc  noir  vert  marron  ciel  ciel 

cache  dans  ses  poches  ses  mains  la  nuit  ciel  aloes  fleur  ciel  cobalt  de 
corde  livre  de  chevet  ciel  coeur  eventail  violet  ciel  robe  de  soir  bouquet 
de  violettes  violet  violet  ciel  pierre  de  lune  ciel  noir  vert  ciel  marron 
roue  de  feu  d'artifice  perle  ciel  noir  jaune  vert  citronnier  noir  ciseaux 
ombre  jaune  neige  vert  marron  creme  remplie  d'eau-de-vie  un  vol  de 
canaris  bleu  vert  noir  loup  ciel  ciel  ciel  jaune  linge  brode  vert  nuit  ciel 
soufre  blanc  plat  d'argent  terrc  labouree  ciel  ciel  blanc  ciel  ciel  ciel  blanc 
ciel  ciel  ciel  ciel  blanc  blanc  ciel  bleu  bleu  bleu  bleu 


Pablo  I'UasM),  primed  i'\iiMpt  1mm  writings  from  !>  I  )n  rinbri    \'>  18 
Original  manuscript  is  lost   Picasso:  Collected  Writings,  ed   Marie  Laure 
Bernadac  and  C'hrisiinc  I'ioi    Ww  York   Abbeville  Press,  1989 


holding  a  desultory  "comb  for  |the|  Ik  e"    v\  ho  plol 
international  confrontations. 

Beseeching  the  nations  of  the  world,  Picasso 

cries  out:  "Listen  in  the  distance  in  the  countn 
the  cries  of  three  little  girls  attacked  by  \  ipers" 
180   slinging  venom  from  the  space  of  planes. 
His  last  11)38  text,  written  on  9  December,  is  a 
prayer  and  an  order  to  the  enem)  heaven  that  it 
efface  its  "violent  violets"    l!)!)'i  and  take  on  the 
whiteness  of  a  compassionate  blue  sky.  In  that 
poignant,  mystical  litany,  he  writes  the  word 
"sky"  sixty-six  times  (199)  (fig.  5). 


dominate  the  skies"  '  of  Spain,  Picasso,  empathiz- 
ing body  and  soul  with  the  casualties  of  Nazi  air 
raids  became  (so  to  speak)  the  horse  as  the  exem 
plary  victim  eviscerated  by  the  bull  in  his  corridas. 
Taking  his  work  as  his  alter-ego,  he  wrote:  "the 
bowels  [are]  pulled  out  of  the  painting"  (174). 

Fear  made  Picasso  hate  flying  machines.  He 
decided  that  the  balloon  hovering  in  his  2(i  March 
1938  text  above  an  impaled  horse  had  to  be 
downed,  filling  it  not  with  hot  air  or  lighter-than-air 
gas,  but  with  the  heavy  sand  of  seashores,  decom- 
posed corpses,  and  hourglasses.  "Having  a  beauti- 
ful view  of  the  entrails  of  the  disemboweled  horse 
rotting  on  the  lawn  for  centuries,"  Picasso  writes, 
further  blurting  out  his  urge  to  fill  "with  sand  the 
montgolfier"  and  then  "piss  upon  it"  (190-92).  He 
composed  this  furious  text  about  a  week  after 
Barcelona  was  bombed  on  17-18  March  by  "rebel 
planes,"  suffering  those  two  days  alone  as  the 
headlines  announced:  "EIGHT  HUNDRED 
KILLED  AND  A  THOUSAND  WOUNDED."'  In 
the  same  torturing  early  spring,  Picasso  pasted 
more  than  twenty  maps  of  the  continents  on  the 
dress  of  one  of  the  three  figures  in  his  huge  syn- 
thetic cubist  cartoon  for  a  tapestry,  Women  at  Their 
Toilette  (fig.  4).  This  costumed  figure  is  an  allegory 
of  the  planet  Earth,  threatened,  threatening,  and 
therefore  euphemized,  a  parody  of  all  nations, 
turning  her  face  away  while  combing  the  hair  of  a 
dejected  feminine  icon  of  Spain  -  in  the  spirit  of 
Picasso's  "Samson  complex"     (or,  according  to 
his  magico-superstitious  code,  robbing  the  vital 
energy).  Its  mirror  image  is  a  Picassoesque  woman 


THE  PRESS  AND  THE  INTELLECTUALS 

Little  wonder,  then,  that  at  the  dawn  of  World  War 
II  Picasso's  horror  of  air  power  escalated.  The 
illustrated  popular  daily  L'Excelsior,  which  Jaime 
Sabartes  tells  us  Picasso  read  every  day,    may  have 
delivered  to  him  some  of  the  most  alarming  reports 
on  current  events  before  and  during  the  blitzkrieg 
against  Poland  (fig.  ())."  Even  the  more  respected 
Le  Figaro    in  July-August  1939  would  have 
fomented  the  anxieties  of  cerebral  and  sensitive 
readers  such  as  Picasso.  On  3  August,  Le  Figaro 
published  Hermann  Goring' s  message  that,  while 
the  "diktat  of  Versaille"  had  destroyed  the  German 


DANS   VARSOVIE    BOMBARDEE 


TANDU  OUl  LII  AVION«  ALLIHANUI  lACHAHNKKT   CONT««    LA   CAPITAL!    DI   LA    POLOONE     DU    INHHT1 

OUl    NOMT    PU    »TSfc    tVACLtl  A   TFKPJ    EEOAEDENT     111  YEUX    AGXANDIS    PA»   L EPPBOI    COTE   HO»»!»LI 

V1IION    DI    GUIHP.L     UN    "APCONNET     ILUII    AU    COtt!    DUN    PEECEDENT    ION l*>DU»«!     il»I    DAN» 

III    l«Al    SON    PETIT    CHIEN 


l)iin\  Varsovit  Bombardte,  front  page  photograph   L'Excelsoir, 
20  s,  ptembei  19  19 


I.YD1A  CSAK)  (.  \s\l  \\       ,-, 


air  force,  the  fiihrer  "offered  the  German  people  a 
new"  and  intrepid  Luftwaffe  that  dwarfed  all  other 
air  forces."  But  what  must  have  gripped  Picasso 
even  more  were  Le  Figaro's  brutal  references  to  the 
Luftwaffe's  raw  brawn:  its  "most  modern  and  pow- 
erful," even  "unassailable,"  sway;  its  unbearably 
close  "maneuvers  in  the  north-west  of  Germany"; 
its  foreboding,  brazen  violations  of  Poland's  air 
space;  and  the  German  "bombers  and  pursuit 
planes"  ready  to  appropriate  for  their  own  use  the 
airfields  of  neighboring  Austria.  Picasso's  daily 
reading  of  Le  Figaro  would  have  included  its 
accounts  of  the  large-scale  defenses  against  air 
strikes  —  80,000  bomb  shelters  were  being  pre- 
pared in  Amsterdam  alone"  -  and  their  corollary, 
the  awareness  of  the  sky  as  alien  and  menacing.  In 
Picasso's  imagination,  the  thousands  of  bomb  shel- 
ters must  have  anticipated  thousands  of  deaths. 
Shelters  against  air  raids  would  have  been  for  him 
like  graves  prepared  in  advance. 

In  August  1939,  Le  Figaro  reported  ad  nauseam 
on  the  meticulous  preparations  in  Paris  and  the 
rest  of  France  of  professional,  military,  and  civilian 
measures  "CONTRE  LES  ATTAQUES  AERI- 
ENNES.""1  The  imminence  of  air  raids  implied  by 
the  blackout  of  Paris  that  month  seemed  even 
more  sinister  in  Le  Figaro's  discussion  and  photo- 
graphic illustration  of  a  grieving  "Paris  nocturne," 
where  "only  the  metro,  at  twenty  feet  beneath  the 
earth,  retained  its  scintillating  brightness."" 

After  the  end  of  August  1939  and  particularly 
after  Hitler  launched  his  terror  bombing  of  Poland 
on  1  September,  the  French  masses,  figures  in 
prominent  political  positions  (such  as  the  prime 
minister,  Edouard  Daladier),  and  especially  French 
intellectuals,  were  profoundly  affected  by  the  fear 
that  great  cities  such  as  Paris  would  be  demolished 
by  aerial  bombardments.  The  prospect  of  "strate- 
gic terror  bombing"  stirred  the  emotions  and 
changed  the  Weltanschauung  of  Picasso's  close 
friends  -  Sabartes,  Brassai,  and  Penrose  —  as  well 
as  of  his  literary  circle  and  those  on  its  fringes  - 
Georges  Bataille,1'1  Simone  de  Beauvoir,"  Andre 
Breton,"  Blaise  Cendrars  (see  below),  Max  Jacob,1' 
Eugene  Jolas,"'  Thomas  Mann,17  Lee  Miller, '"Jean- 
Paul  Sartre  (see  below),  Denis  De  Rougemont,'1' 


Andre  Suares, "  and  Simone  Weil'1  —  to  name  just  a 
few.  Suddenly,  the  commonplace  problem  of  evil 
was  urgent. 

In  the  5  December  1939  entry  of  his  War  Diaries, 
Sartre  adopted  the  theory  that  Hitler's  threat  of 
"total  war"  ~  was  designed  to  avoid  it,  by  producing 
and  "exploiting  the  fear"  of  an  "ever-present 
specter  of  total  war."  Sartre  suggested  the  Germans 
would  try  to  win  the  ongoing  "phony  war"  by 
bombarding  France  with  "fear,"  not  with  actual 
bombs:  "When  Hitler  threatens  us  with  a  landing 
in  England,  an  air-raid  on  London,  etc.,  what  is  he 
doing  but  summoning  up  the  phantom  of  total 
war?"'*  Fear,  Sartre  wrote  in  his  War  Diaries,  is  the 
"most  intense  emotion  —  more  intense  than  love.  It 
would  be  more  accurate  to  say:  the  most  authen- 
tic."4 Authentic  and  potentially  annihilating,  "fear" 
was  above  all  fear  of  the  "skies  with  raiding 
German  planes."''  In  Picasso's  emotionally  and 
indecently  spontaneous  terms  it  was  "the  sky  of  the 
night  empty  of  caresses  and  laughter"  (210),  or  the 
"filthy  ass  of  the  sky"  (246). 

In  his  sweeping  account  of  air  war  during  the 
first  half  of  this  century,  Sky  Memoirs,  Picasso's  old 
friend  Cendrars  agreed  that  on  10  May  1940  noth- 
ing "but  shit"  could  come  out  of  the  "sky  above," 
with  its  "gleaming  buttocks"  and  "inflamed  anus." 
It  was  not  a  Christian  dome  but  an  Incan  "abyss," 
an  "absolute  and  deglutitious  black,"  a  "black 
beast,  blood,  throat,  lung,  gland,"  a  "living 
sponge":  "I  have  seen  this  sponge,  seen  it  with  my 
own  eyes."  "' 

To  disregard  the  harshness  of  history  as  a  condi- 
tion sine  qua  non  of  what  was  written  and  painted 
at  that  time  is  to  betray  the  solemn  truth  of  events, 
to  mistake  literary  and  artistic  difference  with  indif- 
ference to  the  "boundary  situations" "  of  World 
War  II,  and  to  opt  for  an  amoral  hermeneutics  of 
creativity.  Picasso  was  hyperconscious  of  the  sepa- 
rate, intrinsic  reality  of  art,  its  stylistic  require- 
ments, its  dependence  on  the  history  of  art,  and 
even  on  technical  accident  and  chance  occurrence, 
yet  he  saw  no  polar  opposition  between  art  and 
life;  existence  and  history  were  inevitably 
expressed  by  the  forms  and  the  subject  matter  of 
his  work.  "History  .  .  .  holds  us  by  the  throat  no 


60     DEATH  FALLING  FROM  THE  SKY 


more  and  no  less"  (154),  Picasso  declared  on  10 
February  1937,  two  days  after  the  defeat  of  the 
Republicans  in  the  campaign  of  Malaga,  the  city 
where  he  was  born."  Later,  in  L939,  shortly  after 
Franco's  final  victory,  when  Hitler's  ruthless 
demand  that  Danzig  be  returned  to  Germany  pre- 
ambled World  War  II,  Picasso  saw  himself  dying: 
"Between  the  two  windows  of  the  sky  this  after- 
noon on  the  twenty-ninth  of  the  month  of  April  in 
the  year  nine  hundred  thirty-nine  .  .  .  dies  the  pale 
blue"  (201)  -  the  "pale  blue"  standing  for  Picasso's 
past.  In  this  almost  wholly  concrete  vision  of  his 
death  on  the  sky  of  war,  Picasso  brings  back  to 
life  the  Blue  Period  of  his  youth,  colored  in  the 
"blue  of  [his]  cry  for  pity";""  the  artist  named 
"Blue,"  his  alias,  who  found  success  but  lost  his 
decency  in  Louis  Aragon's  roman  a  clef,  Anicet  on 
le  panorama; S1  and,  finally,  the  glorified  Picasso  of 
recent  years,  still  remembered  as  the  painter  of  the 
"blue  period"  in  Andre  Breton's  L  Amour  fou."- 

ROYAN  AND  PICASSO'S  "FEAR  OF 
THE  FLIGHT  OF  PARTRIDGES" 

"Don't  you  know  that  there  is  danger  that  German 
planes  will  fly  over  Paris  tonight?"  Picasso  anxiously 
prodded  Sabartes.  It  was  probably  3  September 
1030  in  the  French  capital,  about  four  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon,  an  hour  before  France's  ultimatum  to 
Germany  would  expire.' '  Picasso's  charged  question 


Dciail  of  solai  e\c  pectoral,  tomb  ol  lutankhamun,  rhebes,  eighteenth 
dynast)   Egyptian  Museum,  Cairo  Richard  II  Wilkinson,  Reading  Egyptian 
Art:  A  Hieroglyphu  (iuuli  to  Ancient  Egyptian  Painting  and  Sculptun   London 
Thames  and  Hudson,  1992 


contained  Ins  onl\  recorded  oral  admission  thai  his 
apprehension,  rather  than  residing  in  an  unfo<  used 
fear  of  war  as  a  whole,  was  specific  all\  an  acute 
dread  of  Nazi  air  raids.  His  adrenalin  up,  Picasso 
warned  Sabartes:  "I'm  going  right  home  to  pack 
my  baggage.  .  .  .  Pack  yours  and  stop  fooling.  I'll 
come  lor  you  tonight."  '  Picasso  packed  hurriedl) 
and  "towards  midnight"  he  left  in  his  car,  a 
Hispano  Suiza  driven  by  Marcel,  in  the  compan) 
of  Sabartes  and  his  wife,  and  Dora  Maar.  The\ 
"sped  on  at  more  than  one  hundred  kilometers  per 
hour,"  and  arrived  the  next  morning  in  Royan  on 
the  Atlantic  coast  near  Bordeaux.'" 

Picasso  had  already  chosen  Royan,  a  resort 
town,  as  an  asylum  for  Marie-Therese  and  their 
daughter  Maya  because  it  was  beyond  either  the 
predicted  advance  of  the  enemy  on  land  or  the 
significant  civilian  targets  that  Gbring's  Luftwaffe 
was  expected  to  hit.  From  Paris,  Royan  must  have 
seemed  to  Picasso  an  almost  perfect,  Watteauesque 
island  of  forgetfulness.  In  Royan  itself  Le  Clairon  de 
Saintonge,  a  local  paper,  boasted  that  on  20  August, 
a  hundred  thousand  celebrities  from  France  and 
abroad  converged  in  the  city  hoping  to  find  there 
the  lost  "PAYS  DU  SOURIRE." 

The  Royan  Picasso  found  at  the  beginning  of 
September  was,  however,  a  reminder  of  what  he 
was  trying  to  escape.  When  his  eyes  were  opened 
to  what  was  actually  happening,  he  saw  a  town 
holding  its  breath,  waiting  for  the  war.  "During  the 
first  days  of  September"  in  the  Charentes  region 
(which  included  Royan),  "everything  became  dra- 
matic." Instead  of  tourists,  troops  arrived  with  "req- 
uisitioned vehicles"  and  horses,  while  trainloads  of 
"distraught"  refugees  spilled  in  from  localities  close 
to  the  German  frontier.  Paradise  was  swept  b\  "I. A 
PEUR  DES  BOMBARDEMENTS." 

Bluntly  if  metaphorically,  Picasso's  1939-40 
writings  convey  his  mounting  phobia  of  aerial 
terror.  Clouds,  for  example,  morph  into  bombers 
and  seem  to  obsess  him.  The  "clouds"/ "gods" 
in  Apollinaire's  "Couleur  du  Temps""4  become 
"clouds  [diving  from  the]  oily  slippers   sk\ 
deprived  of  all  security"  235  ,  the  "cloud  stopped 
at  the  [world's]  middle"   254  .  and  "clouds  .  .  . 
of  the  skv  of  the  great  latrine"    220  .   The  "sk\  .  .  . 


I  YDI  \   (   s  \|<)  (,  \s\1  \\       1,1 


scratches  its  thorn  [horn]  against  the  iron  of  the 
clouds"  (217).  "Clouds  emanate  from  the  filth  of  .  .  . 
the  dead  sun"  (218);  "clouds  .  .  .  bleed  their  vomit 
of  stars"  (222);  "clouds  [are]  sticky  with  cries"  (221); 
the  "iron  of  the  clouds  carts  [airplanes]' "  .  .  .  wings 
.  .  .  cold  .  .  .  fires"  (234-35);  the  "petrified  blazes  of 
the  clouds"  (239);  "burned  bones  of  the  clouds" 
(252)  and  [crashing]  "clouds  .  .  .  drag[ging]  belly  to 
earth"  (253).  We  begin  to  understand  why  "nails 
[are]  tearing  the  skin  of  the  clouds"  (214)  and  why 
the  "rotten  clouds"  (220)  are  decomposed  by 
Picasso's  "magic  brush"  (44). 

Even  low-flying  partridges  sow  fear  on  4  July 
1940  in  the  second  chapter  of  Picasso's  "corrida  in 
mourning"  (3  July- 19  August  1940),  a  narrative  col- 
lage of  texts  informed  by  the  worst  early  phases  of 
the  Battle  of  Britain.  On  the  face  of  it,  fearing  puny, 
awkward  partridges  —  the  "fear  of  the  flight  of  par- 
tridges" (216)  -  seems  absurd.  Yet  Picasso  knew 
from  Ovid  the  association  of  the  partridge-Perdrix 
with  flying  and  falling,  from  Guillaume  Apollinaire 
the  partridge  as  French  military  jargon  for  shells 
fired  by  cannons  in  World  War  I,  and  from 
Christian  lore  its  promiscuity  and  alliance  with 
Satan.7"  Picasso's  wretched  partridges  may  have  also 
been  a  euphemism71  that  diminished  for  him  the 
supreme  Nazi  eagles:  the  Stukas  dive-bombing 
British  convoys  in  the  Channel  that  fourth  day  of 
July.  Incongruously,  they  also  point  to  the  eventual 
victors  over  the  German  Stukas,  the  British 
bombers  that  attacked  the  French  battleships  sta- 
tioned at  Mers  El-Kebir  near  Oran,  Algeria,  one 
day  before  Picasso  expressed  his  fear  of  the  flight 
of  partridges.  The  British  had  bombed  their  former 
allies  in  an  attempt  to  prevent  the  defeated  French 
from  delivering  the  ships  to  the  Germans.  The 
French  reading  of  the  incident  at  Mers  El-Kebir  as 
a  "stab  in  the  back,"  "treachery,"  and  "perfidious- 
ness"77  corresponded  to  the  traditional  symbolism 
of  the  partridge  in  Picasso's  text  of  4  July,  which 
reverberates  with  the  turbulence  of  Mers  El-Kebir, 
as  well  as  the  related  storm  unleashed  by  the  dive- 
bombing  Stukas  in  the  Channel. 

Three  days  later,  in  Picasso's  text  of  7  July  1940, 
the  winged  "eyes  of  the  partridge"  watch  the  bale- 
ful events  on  earth  from  the  empyreal  "firmament 


of  gazes"  (217).  The  disorienting  moment  when,  at 
Mers  El-Kebir,  friend  became  foe  and  the  Battle  of 
Britain  was  breaking  out  would  have  sanctioned 
Picasso's  speculations  on  a  universal  "enemy!":73 
"that  one  far  away"  (255)  who  commands  all  bomb- 
ings in  the  "year  .  .  .  1940"  (254). 74  That  Picasso 
began  his  collage-epic,  the  "corrida  in  mourning" 
one  day  after  the  Mers  El-Kebir  affair  does  not 
appear  to  be  a  mere  coincidence.  The  work's  com- 
pletion on  19  August  1940  may  somehow  relate  to 
Winston  Churchill's  famous  words,  one  day  later: 
"Never  in  the  field  of  human  conflict  was  so  much 
owed  by  so  many  to  so  few."75  On  30 July  as  the 
"First  Phase"  in  the  Battle  of  Britain  continued,7'' 
the  "flight  of  the  partridge"  leads  an  aerial  dance  of 
death  performed  by  the  "black  veils  of  .  .  .  the 
black  ceremonies  of  the  agitated  air  fanned  by  the 
wings  of  bats"  (227). 


Pablo  Picasso,  page  from  a  sketchbook,  2  1  July  HMO.  Pen  and  blue  ink  on 
paper,  16'/,x  W'U in.  (41.3  x30 cm).  Musee  Picasso,  Paris.  M.P.  1880, folio  18V 


62     DEATH  FALLING  FROM  THE  SKY 


tO<M>-i» 


Pablo  I'll  asso,  page  from  a  sketchbook,  dated    10  Septembei    J'M  )t  i.ihci 
[939.  Pen,  ink.  and  ink  wash  on  paper.  85!  x  6"/..,  in.  (21.7  x  17  cm).  Musee 
Picasso,  Pans.  MP.  [990  111.  folio  L7R. 


I  [G    10 

Pablo  Picasso,  page  Ironi  .i  sketchbook,  dated  10  Septembei    29  <  U  lober 

1939  Pen,  ink,  and  ink  wash  on  paper,  8     ■  6      in    ^1  7  ■  17  im    Musee 

Pnasso.  Pans.  MP    IWU  111,  folio  1  1  R 


In  the  same  way  that  angels  were  divided  into 
nine  orders  according  to  their  closeness  to  God  in 
The  Celestial  Hierarchy  of  Pseudo-Dionysius,    the 
clouds  and  the  eyes  of  the  partridge,  along  with  a 
host  of  other  flying  objects,  were  implicitly  classi- 
fied in  Picasso's  texts.  They  belonged  to  a  hierar- 
chical system  dominated  by  the  "winged  eye  flying- 
like  a  ball  without  stopping  from  the  sky  to  the 
earth  and  the  earth  to  the  sky"  {235).  Picasso's 
winged  eye  is  both  an  archetypal  symbol  and  a 
simile  of  the  winged  bomber.  It  descends  from  the 
Egyptian  (fig.  7)  and  Renaissance  emblems  of 
divine  omnipresence,  omnivision,  omniscience, 
and  omnipotence.  Since  it  flies  at  the  hour  of  "last 
judgments"  (235),  it  must  also  refer  to  the  "main- 
eyes"  that  "destroy  those  who  are  destroying  the 
earth"  in  the  Book  of  Revelation    1:7;  11:18).  The 
winged  eye  was  not  only  a  traditional  emblem. 
Picasso  consecrated  it  on  13  August  11)40,  on  the 


same  day  Goring  launched  the  main  air  assault 
against  Britain.  On  that  day,  remembered  as  the 
Nazi  "Day  of  the  Eagle,"  "wave  after  wave  of 
German  aircraft,  1,485  in  all,  flew  in  search  of  the 
air  stations  and  aircraft  factories  which  had  to  be 
destroyed,  and  to  be  destroyed  quickly,  if  invasion 
was  to  follow."  8 

Picasso's  untitled  drawing  of  gyrocompass-eyes 
(fig.  8)  is  perhaps  his  most  ingenious  visual  adapta 
tion  of  the  ancient  winged  eye  as  an  emblem  of  the 
winged  Stukas  in  the  Battle  of  Britain.  Cautious, 
finding  a  way  through  the  forest  of  s\  mbols  in  his 
mind,  Picasso  places  on  and  around  skulls  rotating 
gyroscopes  inspired  by  aircraft  gvroc  ompasses,  the 
three-frame  directional  gyroscopes  used  to  locate 
with  precision  targets  on  the  land.  Picasso  renders 
more  or  less  accurately  these  navigational  aids  as 
three  intersecting  circles  seen  in  perspective.  But 
he  adds  eyes  with  winglike  eyelashes,  repatenting 


I  YDI  A   (  S  \l<)  (,  \s\1  w       , 


Pablo  Picasso,  studies  from  the  verso  of  L'Homme  au  tricot,  12  September 
1939.  Pen  and  ink  on  paper,  16  %  x  13  in.  (42.7  x  33  cm).  Private  collection. 


signal  the  London  Blitz  —  and  the  bombing  of 
Berlin  by  the  Royal  Air  Force.  Picasso  blinds  the 
gyrocompass-eyes:  the  "compass  with  blindfolded 
eyes"  (231). 

Picasso's  sketchbooks  and  paintings  completed 
during  the  Royan  period  are  punctuated  by  enig- 
matic transformations  of  his  literary  imagery  that 
revolve  around  the  "menace  of  the  wing"  (65)  and 
the  "infinite  void"  (210).  Thus  Picasso's  late  1939 
"drawings  in  the  air"  (figs.  9-10),  which  bring  back 
his  models  for  the  Monument  to  Apollinaire,m  depict 
ironically  the  elusive  "architectures  of  the  air  built 
.  .  .  under  the  order  and  commandment  of  perspec- 
tive authorities"  (218).  In  his  texts  the  "absolute  rig- 
orism of  the  architectural  styles  of  the  air  [destroys 
Picasso]  .  .  .  rub[bing]  the  skin  and  the  sweat  of  the 
box  of  cooked  earth  [that  is,  Picasso]  which  hangs 
up  its  bowels  in  the  shadow"  (231). 

In  the  breezy  studies  (fig.  II),*1  drawn  in  Royan 
on  12  September  1939,  volumetric  space  encloses 
transparent  cones,  conic  sections,  stacks  of  circles, 
polyhedrons,  hourglasses,  running  lines,  disori- 
ented planes,  hatchings,  hooks,  a  sun,  and  a  star. 
The  large  balloonlike  cone  rising  above  what 
seems  to  be  a  rippling  body  of  water  on  the  right 
may  well  picture  one  of  the  huge  captive  balloons 
on  the  Atlantic  near  the  coast  of  the  Royan 
region  that  detected  mines  planted  by  German 
submarines.^'  Crude  and  furious,  the  spatial 


them  as  the  gyrocompasses/winged  eyes  of 
bombers  and  death  in  the  air:  two  spin  upon  and 
stare  from  the  large  skull  at  the  center  and  four 
more  float  as  attributes  of  the  four  auxiliary  skulls. 
In  the  lower  right  corner,  Dora's  distorted  nude 
body  reclines  indolently  on  a  chaise  longue. 
Picasso's  gyrocompass-eyes  drawing  was  made  on 
24  July  when,  from  eight  in  the  morning  until  the 
evening,  German  bombers  attacked  convoys  in  the 
Channel  and  airfields  on  the  English  coast.  On  7 
November  1940,  Picasso  reinvoked  the  winged  eye 
as  the  "vipers  raining  the  scarabs  of  their  syphilitic 
rockets  on  the  empty  ground"  (253).''  This  scene  - 
impossible  to  forget  -  is  a  baroque  cipher  for  the 
enemy  above,  syncretizing  popular,  ancient  Egyp- 
tian, military,  and  medical  myths  and  memories  to 


Postcard  of  Royan,  late  1920s  or  early  1930s,  showing  the  harbor  {La  Rade) 
and  the  statue  < > I  Eugene  Pelletan. 


64      DEATH  FALLING  FROM  THE  SKY 


architectures  in  the  Royan  album  Picasso  com 
pleted  between  30  September  and  29  (  )ctoberM  are 
humorous  concepts  that  give  a  nod  to  his  thoroughly 
serious  military  and  cosmological  meditations. 

PICASSO'S  LIFE  IN  ROYAN,  OR 
THE  PAST  IN  THE  PRESENT 

But  there  was  no  guerre,  none  of  its  horrors,  in 
Picasso's  everyday  life  in  Royan.  The  specter  of 

air  raids  seems  to  have  evaporated  in  his  daily 
explorations  of  the  city,  which  were  almost  literal 
explorations  of  the  dust  that  spread  over  Royan, 
preserving  its  past.  Clashing  with  Picasso's  flam- 
boyant texts  from  Royan,  where  the  darkness  of 
the  present  prevails  and  is  magically  blasted  by 
Picasso,  Sabartes's  recollections  of  Picasso's  repeti 
the  behavior  in  the  city  describe  a  journey  into 
times  past,  typical  of  World  War  II,  when  anything 
that  had  happened  before  the  war  could  look 
unbelievably  innocent  and  serene. 

Those  sections  of  the  citv  where  Picasso  lived 
between  4  September  1939  and  24  August  194(),s 
though  altered,  still  exist.  (Royan  was  severely 
bombed  by  England's  "Oiseaux  de  Mort"  in 
1945.)86  Today  one  sees  the  same  long,  broad 
curved  beach  (the  Grande  Conche),  the  same  small 
port  with  a  ferry,  the  bubbling  marketplace  (and 
the  "Gare  Routiere  which  from  the  very  first  day, 
reminded  [Picasso]  of  the  bull  rings  of  Malaga, 


Posti  ard  of  Royan,  late  1920s  or  earK  l!>30s,  showing  tin- 
casettu  on  I  hi-  beach. 


Barcelona,  or  La  Cortina"  I,'  the  same  i  enters  that 
attracted  the  artist  Two  or  three  times  during  one 

dav  -  at  about  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning,  at  noon. 
and  at  sunset  -  he  walked  with  Sabartes. 

Picasso  usualK  ended  his  walk  through  Royan 
with  Sabartes  on  the  boulevard  Bottom    going  b\ 
the  monument  of  Eugene  Pelletan  (fig.  12  .  and 
then  stopping  in  "the  little  square  in  front  of  the 
port  where  the  beach  promenade  meets  the  rue 
de  I'Hotel  de  Ville  and  the  boulevard  Thiers."8  A 
sense  of  deja  vu  would  have  been  inevitable.  For 
there  on  the  beach  ol  the  Grande  Conche  were 
the  same  nineteenth-century-style  casetasthat,  trans- 
figured by  his  childhood  projections  of  fear  and 
desire,  had  faced  him  hypnotically  as  his  own 
secret  doubles  between  1891  and  1895  on  the 
Riazor  Beach  in  La  Coruiia. "  Royan's  boxlike 
casetas  (fig.  13),"-'  fixed  on  stilts  and  withdrawn 
behind  stylish,  nimble  canvas  tents  whose  prima 
donna  striped  regalia  trailed  across  the  front  stage 
of  the  Grande  Conche,  waited  for  Picasso,  solicit- 
ing quietly  his  return  to  the  land  of  his  childhood 
and  early  youth.  In  a  split  second,  Picasso, 
awe-stricken,  suspected  that  the  small  houses  on 
the  Grande  Conche  were  setting  forth  a  sober 
epiphany  of  his  past.  The  little  "house  bursting 
with  memories"  (216-17)  that  drifted  ashore  on  the 
Grande  Conche  was  for  Picasso  an  invitation  an 
voyage,  an  entreaty  to  ride  on  the  "gallop  of  remem- 
brances" (213)  from  Royan  and  the  present  to 
far-off  places  and  days  long  gone.  Did  he  not 
instantly  recognize  these  rigid  small  houses  as 
coded  emblems  of  his  hypersensitive  body?93  This 
much  is  certain:  on  Christmas  Eve  1939,  more 
clearly  than  ever  before  -  in  either  his  other  writ- 
ings or  in  the  1927-38  Cabana  series  -  Picasso,  like 
the  pilgrims  he  had  painted  at  La  Coruha,"'  said: 
This  little  house  on  the  beach  is  my  mortal  bod) 
harboring  my  immortal  soul;  it  is  the  caseta  made 
of  my  flesh  that  partakes  in  all  human  "houses  of 
the  flesh"  (227).  In  its  innermost  recesses,  death,  the 
"horns  of  the  sun"  fallen  from  the  "skv"  and  from 
the  "clouds,"  minsded  with  and  dominated  the 
undying  "How  of  life"  222). 

On  that  first  Christmas  Eve  of  World  War  II. 
a  war)  French  nation    and  probabK  the  artist 


l.YDIA  CSATO  GASMAN     65 


himself)  listened  to  the  radio  broadcast  of  Prime 
Minister  Daladier's  austere  evening  address  censur- 
ing Hitler's  appetite  for  universal  domination. 
Picasso's  response,  however,  contrasted  with  the 
political  perspective  Daladier  adopted  in  his  outcry 
against  the  Nazis'  "martyrdom  of  innocents."11 
Instead,  Picasso  evaluated  the  war  as  aerial 
blitzkrieg  and  the  aerial  blitzkrieg  as  the  war  of 
heaven  against  the  earth,  as  "death  falling  from 
heaven."  He  did  not  lay  blame  on  Hitler's 
Luftwaffe  alone.  For  him,  the  adversary  manipu- 
lating the  Hitlerian  lackeys  was  the  "infinite  void" 
(210),  a  plenum  of  sovereign  death.  It  was  this  void 
that  was  in  the  last  instance  accountable  for  the 
cruel  flaying  of  the  vulnerable  house  substituting 
for  Picasso's  body  and  for  "destroying],"  he  would 
explain,  all  human  "houses  of  the  flesh.""" 

The  nostalgic  casetas  on  La  Grande  Conche,  the 
eerie  statue  of  Pelletan  (who,  traversing  the  roman- 
tic revolution,  became  Leon-Michel  Gambetta's 
counselor  after  the  Paris  Commune),  the  "trinkets" 
at  the  marketplace  in  Royan,  the  dusty  antiques 
at  the  popular  "Hotel  des  Ventes,"  the  rubbish 
exhibited  at  the  "wretched  little  store"  (the  spooky 
"rabbit  skin,"  the  magical  "nails,"  the  Hermetic 
"toothless  keys,"  the  Darwinian  "monkey"),  and 
the  wrinkled  Lady  of  the  Past  wearing  dust  as 


I'iihlo  I'h  iissn,  Cufi  al  Ho), in,  I  .  Au.nusl  I!)  10.  ( )il  on  canvas,  38%  x  .r>l  % 
(97x  130  cm).  Musee  Picasso,  Paris.  MP.  187. 


makeup"'  -  all  that  solicited  Picasso  in  Royan  made 
concrete  for  him  traces  of  a  warless  time  in  the 
warring  present.  Charged  with  the  diffuse  mean- 
ings he  bestowed  upon  them  but  stark  in  their  own 
solidity,  all  those  "found  objects"  were  "lost 
objectfs]"98  aiding  him  to  see  more  clearly  within 
himself  and  materializing  the  immaterial  past  he  so 
urgently  needed  to  recapture  —  a  stay  against  the 
constraints  imposed  by  the  war.  The  shrines  to 
bygone  primitive  eras  represented  for  Picasso  the 
temporal  framework  in  which  his  infantile,  irra- 
tional, and  magical  creative  selves  existed.  To 
reconcile  objective  time,  September  1939  to  August 
1940,  when  he  lived  in  Royan,  with  the  subjective 
time  when  the  child  and  the  magician  in  the 
mature  and  rational  Picasso  were  engaged  in 
creative  activities,  he  had  to  establish  the  following 
equation:  the  time  in  Royan  equaled  the  time  of  his 
inner  creative  self,  which  equaled  his  wonder-filled 
past.  Finding  the  "lost"  object  was,  then,  to  find 
himself;  discovering  it  was  self-discovery.  Driven 
by  fear  and  aiming  to  alleviate  it,  Picasso's 
return  to  times  past  in  his  daily  routine  and  to  an 
unconscious,  childish,  and  magical  self  in  his  work 
coalesced  into  an  appropriate  conjunction  of 
existential  and  creative  complementaries."" 

On  15  August  1940,  the  day  after  what  the  local 
press  described  as  the  assassination  of  a  sentinel 
guarding  the  German  Kommandatur, a  stray  bul- 
let penetrated  the  dining  room  on  the  main  floor 
below  Picasso's  studio  at  Les  Voiliers.  The  situation 
was  tense.  Unknown  people,  perhaps  engaged  in 
pre-Resistance  activities,  had  already  several 
times  cut  one  of  the  Germans'  electric  cables  near 
Royan.""  The  Germans  threatened  "capital  punish- 
ment" and  warned  that  they  would  take  "hostages" 
to  "guarantee"  the  "cessation  of  sabotage." M2 
Picasso  challenged  them  in  return.  The  errant  bul- 
let of  15  August  could  only  have  been  fired  by  the 
swastika-emblazoned  German  plane  performing 
acrobatic  stunts  above  the  port:  "This  bullet  was 
shot  down  from  above  and  at  very  close  range."' 

Picasso  painted  the  uncanny  Cafe  at  Royan  on  the 
day  of  the  stray  bullet  (fig.  14).  This  painting  is  a 
chilling  portrait  of  the  city's  Cafe  des  Bains,  as  a 
midday  ghost  seen  from  Les  Voiliers.  It  represents 


66     DEATH  FALLING  FROM  THE  SKY 


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FIG    IS 

Pablo  Picasso,  pa<>e  from  a  sketchbook. 

^il  December  1!U!I.  Pen  and  blue  ink  on  paper. 

i'     •  8    in     16  I  •  22.3  i m    Musee  Picasso, 

Paris.  MP.  1877,  folio  [9\ 


a  paradoxical,  luminous  but  irritated,  angular  archi- 
tecture"" standing  empty  and  as  if  preserved  by  the 
immobilizing  torpor  of  late  summer  and  the  stagna- 
tion of  Royan  after  the  invasion.  A  translucent  icon 
of  the  Occupation,  the  uninhabited  Cafe  des  Bains, 
soaked  through  by  the  mother-of-pearl  light  of  the 
town,  arises  from  the  substanceless,  emptv  Botton 
Square  that  Picasso  could  see  from  his  studio.  Its 
windows  and  doors  are  blank,  the  colorful  striped 
awnings  are  lifted  but  show  nothing,  the  pointed 
tents  on  the  Grande  Conche  zigzag  in  the  far  back- 
ground, a  forlorn  lighthouse  dissolves  on  a  jettv  in 
the  middle  ground,  and  a  flag  opens  like  a  crying 
beak  over  a  schematic  boat.  Nobody  is  in  or 
around  the  cafe.  It  evokes  the  deserted  Botton 
Square  where  the  Germans  had  played  their  first 
conceit  one  day  earlier.1"'  The  vacant  Cafe  at  Royan 
tells  the  story  of  a  city  whose  population  is  in 


hiding  after  the  invader  has  left.  The  Sartrean 
"'Nobody'"  inscribed  on  the  blinding  "golden  ball" 
(277)  gazes  at  the  viewer,  wearing  the  mask  of  joy 
magically  contrived  bv  the  artist  from  the  Cafe  des 
Bains  in  Cafe  at  Royan. 

There  were  moments  when  Picasso  distinctly 
conceived  writing  as  a  substitute  for  painting  and 
painting  as  a  form  of  writing.  Picasso's  Royan  texts 
are  written  paintings,  as  meaningful  if  not  as  expert 
as  his  painted  paintings  (fig.  15).  "Write,  man,  write. 
Write  no  matter  what,"  Picasso  urged  Sabartes. 
"Write,  and  you  will  see  that  all  your  blues  will 
disappear,  and  that  you  will  feel  better." 


I  VDIA  CSATO  GASMAN      67 


V^adt «  -ii v 


From  Guernica  to  The  Charnel  House. 
The  Political  Radicalization 
of  the  Artist 

Gertje  R.  Utley 


I, 


.n  October  1JM4,  shortly  after  the 
liberation  of  Paris,  Picasso  claimed  that 
he  had  always  stood  against  tyranny  and  dictator- 
ship and  fought  with  the  weapons  of  his  art,  like  a 
true  revolutionary.1  Yet  very  little  evidence  of  polit- 
ical engagement  in  his  art  exists  prior  to  the  late 
1930s.  Even  then,  Picasso's  political  radicalization 
was  gradual,  progressing  from  his  embrace  -  yet 
arguably  moderate  support  -  of  the  anti-Fascist 
policies  of  the  Popular  Front  in  France  and  of  the 
Loyalist  cause  in  the  Spanish  Civil  War,  to  his 
open  commitment  to  the  French  Communist  Party. 

Picasso's  contacts  with  anarchist  circles  during 
his  formative  years  in  turn-of-the-centui  \ 
Barcelona  are  certainly  at  the  root  of  his  political 
inclinations."  The  paintings  of  his  Blue  Period,  in 
their  focus  on  the  poor  and  downtrodden,  reflect 
many  of  the  qualities  of  contemporary  anarchist  liter- 
ature. In  their  depictions  of  misery,  however,  they 
also  engage  in  the  typically  symbolist  tendency  to 
aestheticize  it.  Picasso's  lifelong  opposition  to  all 
armed  conflict  may  stem  from  these  early  influ- 
ences as  well.  Clues  to  his  pacifist  stance  have  been 
discovered  in  several  of  the  newspaper  clippings 
in  his  synthetic  cubist  papiers  colles:  Though  the 
dogmatic  intent  of  those  works  is  questionable,  the 


reception  of  cubism  by  contemporary  critics  was 
at  times  couched  in  political  argument.  Some  saw 
anarchist  destructiveness  in  these  works;  others 
thought  they  recognized  their  reactionary  basis.' 

Following  World  War  I,  a  momentous  event 
largely  ignored  in  Picasso's  oeuvre,  his  marriage 
to  Olga  Khokhlova,  the  Russian  ballerina  of 
Diaghilev's  Ballets  Russes,  introduced  him  to  a  life 
of  bourgeois  placidity.  Only  his  contact  with  the 
radicalized  milieu  of  the  surrealists,  with  figures 
such  as  Louis  Aragon,  Andre  Breton,  Georges 
Bataillc,  Michel  Leiris,  Christian  Zervos,  Tristan 
T/.ara,  and  in  particular  Paul  Fluard,  led  him  back 
into  the  sphere  of  left-wing  political  thinking. 
Lluard,  in  particular,  the  first  among  the  surrealists 
to  join  the  Communists  in  September  1!)2(>,  trans- 
mitted to  Picasso  his  conception  of  the  responsi- 
bility and  the  militant  role  of  the  artist  in  society.1'  It 
was  Eluard  who  introduced  Picasso  to  the  surrealist 
photographer  and,  later,  painter,  Dora  Maar, 
whose  sharp  intelligence  and  strong  connections 
to  left  wing  radical  groups  certainly  influenced 
Picasso's  political  thought. 

When  ideological  differences,  and  the  first  round 
of  what  would  be  called  la  bataille  du  realisme, 
divided  the  surrealists.  Picasso  remained  (loser  lo 


(,<i 


the  Stalinist  faction  around  Aragon.  In  his  first 
public  political  stance,  taken  in  1932,  Picasso 
became  co-signatory  of  a  petition  in  defense  of 
Aragon,  convicted  for  incitement  to  violence  in 
his  poem  "Front  rouge."8  This,  however,  did  not 
impress  the  Soviet  embassy  in  Paris,  which  dis- 
couraged its  government's  interest  in  Picasso  in 
1933  with  the  argument  that  he  was  little  more 
than  a  leftist  bourgeois. " 

Still,  shortly  after  the  victory  of  the  Popular 
Front  in  France,  and  before  the  outbreak  of  the 
Spanish  Civil  War,  one  of  Picasso's  watercolors, 
Composition  with  Minotaur  (28  May  1936),  reveals 
beneath  a  wealth  of  private  symbolism  his  sympa- 
thy for  the  Popular  Front,  or,  at  the  very  least, 
for  its  anti-Fascist  stance  (fig.  1).'"  The  watercolor 
was  reproduced  and  used  as  the  stage  curtain  for 
Romain  Rolland's  play  Le  14  juillet.  In  fact,  it  was 
specifically  created  for  that  purpose,  and  much  of 
its  imagery  is  derived  from  the  Rolland  text." 

Romain  Rolland's  play  was  selected  as  the 
central  cultural  event  of  the  first  14th  of  July  cele- 
brations by  the  new  Popular  Front  government, 
which  sought  to  reemphasize  the  symbolic  force 
of  the  storming  of  the  Bastille.  Louis  Aragon  and 
Jean  Cassou,  the  principal  figures  behind  the 
Communist-inspired  Maison  de  la  Culture,  were 
charged  with  the  organization  of  the  event  as  early 
as  May  1936. 12  As  both  were  close  to  Picasso,  they 
probably  approached  him  with  the  project. 

In  Picasso's  watercolor,  a  monstrous  bird-man 
carries  the  seemingly  lifeless  body  of  the  minotaur, 
costumed  as  a  harlequin,  in  a  poetic  blend  of  sev- 
eral of  Picasso's  alter  egos.  Their  macabre  progress 
is  restrained  by  a  bearded  man,  who  carries  on  his 
shoulders  a  youth  with  outstretched  arms.  Cloaked 
in  the  hide  of  a  horse,  like  Hercules  in  his  lion  skin, 
the  man  raises  his  right  fist  in  defiance.  At  the  time, 
there  was  no  mistaking  the  symbol  of  the  raised  fist 
as  the  Communist  salute.  It  also  had  become  the 
greeting  of  the  Spanish  Republicans,  a  gestural 
polemic  in  response  to  the  raised  open  palm  of 


[page  68] 

Pablo  Picasso,   The  Cock  (detail 

29  March   1938.  Cat.  no.   15. 


Pablo  Picasso,  Composition  with  Minotaur  (maquette  for  the  stage  curtain 
of  Le  14juilletby  Romain  Rolland),  28  May  1936.  Gouache  and  India  ink, 
17 '/•  x  21  %  in.  (44.5  x  54.5  cm).  Musee  Picasso,  Paris.  M.P.  1  Kit). 


the  Hitler- Gruss,  used  by  Franco's  supporters. 
Moreover,  the  image  of  the  youth  on  the  shoulders 
of  the  older  man  is  taken  directly  from  the  ending 
of  Rolland's  play,  where  the  child  Julie,  "our  little 
Liberty,"  is  carried  in  triumph  on  the  shoulders  of 
the  character  Hoche,  her  arms  stretched  out  to  the 
people  of  Paris.  The  vulturelike  monster,  on  the 
other  hand,  although  physically  derived  from 
Goya,  relates  directly  to  the  final  words  of 
Rolland's  companion  play  Danton,  in  which  the 
character  Saint-Just  proclaims,  "The  Republic  will 
never  be  pure  until  the  vultures  are  no  more."'1 

Picasso's  conscious  use  of  Communist  symbols 
is  even  more  intelligible  in  a  large  pencil  drawing 
of  a  fortnight  later,  which  depicts  a  youthful  crowd 
storming  the  Bastille  (fig.  2).14  The  mood  is  part 
celebratory  and  part  combative:  people  dance, 
fists  are  raised,  and  banners  carry  the  hammer- 
and-sickle  motifs. 

The  militant  symbolism  of  Picasso's  curtain  was 
carried  out  in  the  performance,  with  the  masses 
played  by  workers'  theater  groups.  It  ended  with 
both  actors  and  audience,  fists  raised,  singing 
"La  Marseillaise"  and  the  "Internationale."1,  In  a 
further  gesture  of  allegiance,  Picasso  watched  the 


70     FROM  GUERNICA  TO  THE  CHARNEL  HOUSE 


march  of  the  rassemblement  populaire  from  the 

balcony  of  the  theater." 

Four  days  later,  on  18  July,  the  Spanish  Civil 
War  erupted.  There  was  no  doubt  which  side 
Picasso  would  support,1  yet  he  hesitated  to  become 
personally  involved.  Even  after  the  Republican 
government  named  him  director  of  the  Museo 
Nacional  del  Prado  in  September  1936,  Picasso  did 
not  follow  their  repeated  invitations  to  come  to 
Spain. Is  Yet  he  clearly  appreciated  the  honor  and, 
on  several  occasions,  defended  the  efforts  of  the 
Republic  to  protect  Spain's  artistic  treasures.  Years 
later  he  would  jest  that  he  probably  still  was  the 
director  of  the  Prado,  as  nobody  had  bothered  to 
fire  him.1"  Roland  Penrose  recalls  that  Picasso's 
anxiety  about  the  events  in  Spain  was  intense; 
indeed,  much  of  Picasso's  work  from  that  period, 
especially  from  early  HK57,  is  suffused  with 
anguish.    However,  like  Eluard,  who  talked  about 
action  but  restricted  his  fight  to  the  weapons  of  his 
poetry,  Picasso  largely  confined  his  demonstrations 
of  sympathy  to  his  art.JI  The  attitudes  of  the  two 


/jptji-i   ■ 


W 


Pablo  Picasso,  La  Hjuillet,  13 June  1936  Pencil  on  six  assembled  sheets  ol 
paper,  26     <  26    in,  68x67  cm    Musee  Picasso,  Paris  Ml'  1167 


friends  reflected  the  postulates  of  the  international 
writers'  conference  held  in  Valencia  in  Jul)  1937, 
which  declared  literal-)  activism  to  be  as  valuable  an 

engagement  in  the  cause  as  an)  action  in  the  field. 

Picasso's  most  obvious  political  work,  and  his 
clearest  condemnation  of  Franco  and  the  i  liuu  h 
that  supported  him,  are  his  etchings  in  comic  strip 
form.  Dream  and  Lie  of  Franco,  of  earl)  Januar)  1937 
(cat.  no.  2).    Picasso's  caricature  of  Franco  as  an 
absurd  and  vainglorious  bigot  and  of  his  calami- 
tous effect  on  civilization  and  the  cr\  ilian  popula 
tion  was  the  expression  ol  his  outrage  about  the 
victimization  of  the  Spanish  people.     Picasso's 
sudden  artistic  reaction  to  the  war  in  Spain 
possibly  was  aroused  by  the  distressing  accounts 
he  received,  in  early  January  1!)37,  from  the 
Spanish  poet  and  essayist  Jose  Bergamin,  who 
was  the  Republic's  cultural  attache  in  Paris." 

Why  did  it  take  the  attack  on  Guernica  to  rally 
Picasso's  full  commitment  to  the  program  ol  the 
Spanish  Pavilion  at  the  Paris  World's  Fair  of  Ma\ 
1937?  Bv  their  presence  the  Republicans  envisaged 
achieving  a  specific  political  goal:  the  reaffirmation 
of  their  legitimacy  as  the  elected  government  of 
Spain,  and  the  enlistment  of  the  free  world  in  their 
support.  When  first  approached  by  a  delegation 
from  the  Republican  government,  headed  by  his 
fnend Josep  Lluis  Sert,  the  architect  of  the  Spanish 
Pavilion,  Picasso  was  less  than  enthusiastic . 

Was  Picasso's  reluctance  prompted  by  his  earlier 
claim  that  he  would  never  put  his  art  at  the  sen  ice 
of  an  ideology?-"  Or  was  it  caused  by  his  disenchant- 
ment with  the  schism  in  the  Republican  camp 
in  Spain,  which  was  plagued  by  disagreements 
over  its  revolutionary  mission?"  According  to 
his  nephewjavier  Vilato,  Picasso  knew  about 
and  could  not  ignore  the  strife  between  the  lac 
lions  within  the  Popular  Front  in  Spain,  nor  the 
Communists'  violent  suppression  and  eradication 
of  the  revolutionary  elements  in  the  ami  Fascist 
militias.  '  This  would  explain  his  initial  reticence 
to  publicly  back  the  Republican  government, 
which  by  that  time  was  firml)  under  pro  Soviet 
Communist  control. 

It  took  three  months  tor  Picasso  to  relent  and 
begin  work  on  some  preparaloiv  drawings  for  the 


GERTJE  R.  UTLE1      :i 


Spanish  Pavilion.  Even  then,  his  subject,  the  artist 
in  his  studio  —  although  a  frequent  theme  in  his 
oeuvre  —  appears  to  reflect  Picasso's  desire  to 
remain  in  his  ivory  tower.30  Given  Picasso's 
restrained  political  stance  at  the  time,  it  is  reason- 
able to  assume  that  in  painting  Guernica  (see  pages 
40-41,  fig.  1)  he  was  motivated  less  by  the  politics 
of  the  Spanish  Civil  War  than  by  the  human  drama 
of  the  destruction  of  the  Basque  town.31  The  sense- 
less brutality  of  the  bombing  must  have  convinced 
Picasso  of  the  Republicans'  argument  that  the  fight 
against  Franco  and  his  allies  had  to  take  prece- 
dence over  internal  conflict.  Indeed,  on  1  May, 
four  days  after  the  bombing  of  Guernica,  Picasso 
began  sketches  related  to  its  devastation.  In  study 
after  study  Picasso  filtered  the  destruction  of 
Guernica  through  the  prism  of  the  iconography  of 
the  bullfight,  the  Crucifixion,  and  the  life,  love,  and 
death  of  the  Minotaur,  all  of  which  had  occupied 
much  of  his  recent  work,  as  well  as  through  images 
derived  from  private  experience. 

Dora  Maar's  photographs  of  the  different  states  of 
the  painting  in  progress  reveal  that  Picasso's  concept 
evolved  from  a  frankly  militant  vocabulary  (fig.  3), 
to  the  universal  image  of  suffering  of  the  final 
version.  Here,  as  in  most  of  Picasso's  later  so-called 
history  paintings,  we  are  made  to  empathize  with 
the  victims,  while  the  perpetrator  is  present  only  in 
the  destruction  he  left  behind.  The  Spanish  govern- 
ment, disappointed  with  Picasso's  insufficiently 
partisan  approach,  even  considered  removing  the 


xx\%Vl 


in,  i 

Pablo  Picasso,  Guernica,  state  II,  1937.  Photograph  by  Dora  Maar. 
Musee  Picasso,  Pans.  Picasso  Archives. 


canvas  from  the  pavilion,  a  step  prevented  only  by 
their  fear  of  adverse  publicity.32  Still,  Guernica  did 
not  totally  fail  as  an  instrument  of  propaganda. 
The  Germans,  while  dismissing  it  alternately  as  the 
work  of  either  a  lunatic  or  of  a  four-year-old,  were 
sensitive  to  its  damning  message  and  regarded  it 
as  a  provocation  in  form  and  content.33 

Picasso  donated  Guernica  to  the  Spanish 
Republic,  and  contributed  the  sum  of  150,000 
francs  he  received  for  expenses  to  the  fund  for 
Republican  exiles."  The  fund  also  benefited  from 
the  proceeds  of  the  many  charitable  exhibitions  of 
Guernica  and  its  related  works  and  from  the  sale  of 
the  limited  folio  edition  of  Dream  and  Lie  of  Franco}' 
Picasso  participated  in  fund-raising  efforts  such 
as  exhibitions  and  auctions  to  benefit  Spanish 
refugees,  signed  numerous  declarations  in  support 
of  the  Republic,  and  became  involved  with  several 
refugee  relief  organizations.3"  He  donated  milk  for 
the  children  in  Barcelona,  helped  finance  a  hospital 
for  Republican  refugees  in  Toulouse,  and  was  par- 
ticularly active  in  securing  the  liberation  of  Spanish 
intellectuals  from  French  internment  camps.37  In 
his  postwar  painting  Monument  to  the  Spanish  Who 
Died  for  France  (Monument  aux  Espagnols  morts 
pour  la  France)  (cat  no.  83),  Picasso  would  com- 
memorate the  plight  of  the  Republican  refugees 
who,  caught  between  Franco's  Spain  and  Vichy 
France,  had  joined  the  French  Resistance. 3X  On  a 
personal  level,  he  assisted  many  friends  or  even 
strangers  who  appealed  to  his  generosity.31'  Most 
of  his  donations  remain  unnamed,  in  part  because 
of  the  necessarily  clandestine  nature  of  such  opera- 
tions."' It  seems  that  even  during  the  Occupation 
he  tried  various  ways  to  smuggle  money  into 
Spain,  an  effort  that  nearly  cost  him  his  freedom, 
if  not  his  life." 

When  Guernica  was  on  view  in  New  York,  the 
Museum  of  Modern  Art  emphasized  that  Picasso 
himself  had  denied  the  painting  any  political 
significance,  stating  simply  that  "the  mural 
expresses  his  abhorrence  of  war  and  brutality." 
However,  in  a  letter  to  the  New  York  Times,  Picasso 
was  more  explicit  in  his  denunciation  of  General 
Franco's  military  insurrection:  "In  all  my  recent 
works  of  art,  I  clearly  express  my  abhorrence 


72     FROM  GUERNICA  TO  THE  CHARNEL  HOUSE 


of  the  military  caste,  which  has  sunk  Spain  in  an 
ocean  of  pain  and  death."'  Years  later  Picasso  told 
his  old  friend,  the  poet  Rafael  Alberti:  "The  truth 
of  the  matter  is  that  by  means  of  Guernica  I  have 
the  pleasure  of  making  a  political  statement  every 
day  in  the  middle  of  New  York  City."  ; 

Increasingly,  the  success  of  the  widely  traveled 
painting  conferred  upon  Guernica  the  status  of  a 
public  statement  against  Fascist  aggression,  and 
its  political  potential  came  to  be  valued.  Whether 
Picasso  was  motivated  by  political  or  bv  humani- 
tarian incentives  in  painting  his  mural,  it  was  as  the 
painter  of  Guernica  that  he  came  to  be  seen  as  a 
politically  valuable  asset,  or  conversely,  as  a  liabil- 
ity and  even  a  threat."  The  process  of  Picasso's 
own  further  radicalization  was  largely  a  response  to 
the  legacy  of  responsibility  that  Guernica  imposed 
upon  him. 

Picasso  himself  claimed  that  it  took  the  experi- 
ence of  World  War  II  to  make  him  understand  that 
it  was  not  enough  to  manifest  political  sympathies 
under  the  discreet  veil  of  mythologized  artistic 
expression.'   Except  for  less  than  a  year  in  Royan, 
Picasso  spent  the  period  of  the  Nazi  Occupation  in 
Paris.  Most  contemporary  witnesses  agreed  with 
Eluard  that,  during  the  Occupation,  Picasso  was 
"one  of  the  rare  painters  to  have  behaved  prof) 
erly  ' "  Recent  rumors  accuse  Picasso  of  a  privi- 
leged position  and  self-serving  contacts  with  the 
Germans.'   But  a  closer  look  at  these  accusations, 
as  well  as  a  more  probing  inquiry  into  the  political 
and  social  realities  of  life  in  occupied  Paris,  show 
that  Picasso  indeed  preserved  the  dignity  that  his 
friends  so  admired."* 

Although  Picasso  did  at  times  receive  members 
of  the  Occupation  forces  at  his  studio,"  his  recep- 
tion of  them  seems  to  have  conformed  to  Jean 
Texcier's  Conseils  a  I'occupe.  In  this  short  manual  on 
proper  behavior  under  the  Occupation,  Texcier,  a 
militant  Socialist,  recommended  a  civilized  com- 
portment toward  the  occupier  without,  however, 
initiating  any  contact.     The  documented  visits  by 
Gerhard  Heller,  Hans  Kuhn,  and  Ernst  Jiinger 
illustrate,  in  fact,  the  paradoxical  twists  and  com- 
plexities of  relationships  under  the  Occupation, 
for  they  were  accompanied  by  Jean  Paulhan,  a 


member  of  the  intellectual  Resistance  and  one 
of  the  founders  ol  the  clandestine  Editions  de 

Minuit.     The  two  Germans  also  visited  Braque  and 
Fautrier,  whom  Heller  later  watched  as  he  painted 

one  of  the  Hostage  series  (e.g.,  page  105,  fig.  8  . 

It  would  have  been  extremely  difficult  for 
Picasso  to  conceal  am  questionable  dealings  with 
the  Germans  or  to  receive  secret  and  unrecorded 
visitors.  Picasso  was  almost  constant!)  surrounded 
by  friends,  main  of  whom  lived  within  the  radius 
of  a  five-minute  walk.  Georges  Hugnet  speaks  of 
shared  lunches  on  a  nearly  daily  basis.  Moreover, 
Picasso's  studio  provided  a  meeting  place  where 
even  members  of  the  underground  felt  sale.  Main 
of  Picasso's  friends  were  anti-Fascists  and,  with  the 
noted  exception  of  Jean  Cocteau,  personallv 
involved  in,  or  at  least  close  to  the  Resistance.'1 
Andre  Fougeron,  the  militant  Communist  painter, 
told  me  that  Picasso,  who  was  aware  of  his 
Resistance  activities,  was  always  accessible  when 
he  came  to  visit.  '  Had  there  been  any  question 
about  Picasso's  loyalties,  Andre  Malraux  would 
scarcely  have  come  to  see  him  while  on  a  clandes- 
tine mission  for  the  maquis.    Nor  would  his  friends 
Michel  and  Louise  Leiris  have  introduced  him 
to  Laurent  Casanova,  a  four-time  escapee  from 
the  Nazis,  who  was  in  hiding  in  their  apartment. 
Casanova  was  a  Resistance  fighter,  a  high-ranking 
member  of  the  politburo  of  the  French  Communist 
Party  and  rumored  to  have  been  Stalin's  man  in 
France.  A  lawyer  by  training  and  a  man  ot  erudi- 
tion and  considerable  charm,  he  made  a  great 
impression  on  Picasso  and  mav  have  been 
influential  in  Picasso's  decision  to  join  the  part) 
after  the  Liberation. 

Picasso  did  not  personally  participate  in  the 
Resistance;  however,  his  close  association  with  the 
underground  through  his  friends  demanded  more 
courage  than  is  generally  granted  him.    We  must 
not  forget  that  Picasso's  active  and  vocal  opposi- 
tion to  Franco  and  his  German  supporters  during 
the  civil  war  already  brought  him  the  notoriet)  "I 
being  "red  as  the  reddest  of  the  Spanish  revolution 
aries."    It  is,  furthermore,  likelv  that  his  denuncia- 
tion as  a  "degenerate"  artist  had  as  much  to  do 
with  Picasso's  political  stance  .is  with  his  artisti) 


GERTJE  R.  UTLEY     73 


Scene  from  the  auction  of  "degenerate  art"  at  the  Gallery  Fischer  in 
Lucerne,  Switzerland.  Photograph  from  a  Swiss  newspaper.  The  works  by 
Picasso  are  Head  of  a  Woman  (lot  1 17)  and  Two  Harlequins  (lot  1 15). 


style.  Indeed,  many  of  his  paintings  that  had 
been  sold  at  the  auction  of  "degenerate"  art  from 
German  museums  in  Lucerne,  injune  1939,  as  well 
as  those  that  were  stored  in  the  infamous  Salle  des 
Martyrs  at  the  Musee  du  Jeu  de  Paume,  lack  the 
characteristics  that  were  denounced  by  the  Nazis  as 
"entartete  kunst"  (degenerate  art),  and  belong  to  the 
least  distorted  among  Picasso's  oeuvre  (fig.  4).59 

Picasso's  well-known  political  stance  excluded 
him  from  several  exhibitions  of  Spanish  art  during 
the  Occupation.'"  At  other  times,  the  presence  of 
his  paintings  in  an  exhibition  could  be  seen  as 
provocation.  For  example,  in  March  1943  he 
participated  in  an  exhibition  on  the  influence  of 
African  art  on  modern  painters,  a  theme  sure  to  be 
criticized  as  "degenerate.""  Equally  provocative 


was  Picasso's  contribution,  in  May  1944,  to  an 
exhibition  of  artists'  palettes  in  the  Galerie  Rene 
Breteau.  Picasso's  exhibit  consisted  of  a  double 
page  of  a  newspaper,  which  was  indeed  what  he 
used  to  mix  his  colors.'"'  Picasso  must  have  recalled 
that,  in  1939,  a  photo  of  his  work  table  with  just 
such  a  newspaper  palette  had  been  barred  by 
French  censors  because  of  the  possible  political 
content  of  the  newsprint.'1  Moreover,  Picasso  could 
have  anticipated  that  the  publication  of  two  of  his 
poems  in  Confluences  (Lyon)  in  November  1942 
would  be  perceived  as  "striking  evidence  of  literary, 
spiritual,  and  moral  decadence.""'  This  was  a  dan- 
gerous comment  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  fight 
against  moral  decadence  was  the  banner  under 
which  Vichy  led  its  racist  and  xenophobic  politics.''1 

It  also  required  some  degree  of  courage  to  coop- 
erate with  the  underground  surrealist  publication 
La  Main  a  plume,  created  at  the  end  of  August  1941, 
with  the  express  intent  to  resist  with  the  weapon  of 
literature.  The  publication  is  said  to  have  survived 
in  part  because  of  Picasso's  generosity;  he  gave 
financial  help,  provided  illustrations,  and,  for  the 
cover  of  the  summer  1942  issue,  "La  Conquete  du 
monde  par  l'image,"  he  contributed  a  signed  and 
dated  photo  of  his  bull's  head  assembled  from  the 
seat  and  handlebars  of  a  bicycle."1'  It  is  surely  no 
coincidence  that  Picasso  contributed  his  talent  to 
illustrate  the  works  of  the  poets  of  the  Resistance  — 
Paul  Eluard,  Georges  Hugnet,  Robert  Desnos,  and 
Maurice  Toesca  —  while  he  apparently  refused  to 
work  for  writers  accused  of  collaborating. 

Picasso  had  told  Francoise  Gilot  that  he  was  not 
looking  for  risks  to  take,  but,  he  added  "in  a  sort  of 
passive  way  I  don't  care  to  yield  to  either  force  or 
terror.""7  His  attitude  was  facilitated  by  the  network 
of  protectors,  which  he  most  probably  owed  to  his 
friendship  with  Jean  Cocteau.'s  Numerous  accounts 
of  intellectual  life  during  the  Occupation  reveal 
that  differences  between  resisters  and  collaborators 
could  be  shelved  when  it  came  to  saving  the  life  of 
a  friend,  though  the  tragic  case  of  Max  Jacob 
showed  that  even  the  help  of  the  most  powerful 
friends  would  not  always  come  in  time."" 

Although  Picasso's  style  during  the  war  years  was 
more  them  ever  antithetical  to  Nazi  artistic  doctrines, 


7  I      I  ROM  GUERNICA  TO  THE  CHARNEL  HOUSE 


it  seems  highly  overstated  to  interpret  his  work 
as  "a  barely  concealed  action  against  fascism. " 
Picasso  later  claimed  that  the  war  was  reflected  in 
his  paintings,  but  he  consistently  omitted,  and  in 
one  case  even  obliterated,  clear  references  to  it. 
In  painting  out  the  prison  bars,  bread,  and  water 
jug  in  the  background  of  Portrait  of  Dora  Maar 
(9  October  1942),  Picasso  effaced  what  would  have 
been  his  most  direct  allusion  to  life  under  the 
Occupation  during  those  years.71  But  this  was  true 
in  general.  While  French  artists  had  freely  depicted 
their  militant  opposition  to  the  civil  war  in 
Spain,  there  was  practically  no  reflection  of  the 
Occupation  in  their  work  during  those  years." 
Andre  Fougeron's  Rue  de  Paris  43,  which  he  exhib- 
ited in  the  Salon  des  Tuileries  in  1943,  was  among 
the  rare  exceptions  (fig.  5).    Fougeron,  who  was 
charged  by  the  Communist  underground  to  create 
the  Front  national  des  arts,  found  it  extremely  "dif- 
ficult to  enlist  artists  to  manifest  resistance  through 
their  painting."'1  Picasso  himself  wondered  why  so 
few  artists,  as  compared  to  writers  and  poets,  were 
insurrectionaries:  "Is  it  due  to  their  trade?"  he 
asked.  "Were  van  Gogh  and  Cezanne  really  less 
audacious  in  mind  than  Victor  Hugo?"7 

The  only  truly  militant  expression  to  emerge 
from  the  artistic  resistance  was  the  album  Vaincre. 
Assembled  by  Fougeron,  in  April  1944,  with  the 
collaboration  of  eight  artists  (including  Boris 
Taslitzky,  who  was  still  in  Buchenwald),  it  formed 
a  collection  of  aggressive  satirical  attacks  more 
caricature  than  painting  on  Vichy  and  the  Nazis. 

After  the  war,  several  critics  and  artists  — 
Picasso's  friend  the  Communist  painter  Edouard 
Pignon  among  them  —  claimed  that  any  manifes- 
tation of  avant-garde  art  during  the  Occupation 
should  be  seen  as  a  veiled  resistance  to  fascism. 
This  is,  for  example,  how  the  vibrant  colors  and 
surrealist  abstractions  of  the  "Jeunes  Peintres 
de  Tradition  Francaise"  came  to  be  viewed. 
However,  the  surprisingly  liberal  attitude  of  the 
Germans  with  regard  to  the  cultural  life  of  Paris 
deprives  this  contention  of  credibility.  ' 

In  19  1  1,  for  post-Liberation  Paris,  Picasso 
became  the  "svmbol  of  regained  freedom,"  "le 
porte-drapeau  de  la  France  resistante"  (the  standard 


Andre  Fougeron,  Rue  de  Paris  li,  I'M  :  (  >il  mi  canvas,  5  '■     •    17     in     1  17  ■ 
1 '"'  i  m     I'm  ale  collet  lion,  (.'oiiiica  Galene  |ean  [acques  Dutko,  l'aris. 


bearer  of  resisting  France).'"  In  his  highly  visible 
role  in  all  events  related  to  the  celebrations  of  lib- 
eration, Picasso  headed  several  delegations  honor- 
ing  the  victims  of  fascism  who  had  died  in  the 
Resistance.""  He  was  also  commissioned  to  draw 
the  frontispiece  for  the  special  volume  Florilege  des 
poetes  et  peintres  de  la  Resistance,  presented  as  a  token 
of  gratitude  by  the  poets  and  painters  of  the 
Resistance  to  General  Charles  de  Gaulle. 

Most  significantly,  Picasso  was  honored  with  a 
retrospective  of  his  work  at  the  Salon  d'Automne 
of  19  11,  a  recognition  rarely  bestowed  on  a  foreign 
artist.  On  .">  October  1944,  one  da)  before  the 
opening  of  the  Salon,  the  Communist  dailv 
L'Hutnanite  announced  that  Picasso  had  joined  the 
French  Communist  Party.    The  timing  of  the  two 
events  proved  to  be  a  most  incendiar)  mix  ot  an 
and  politics  in  a  time  of  understandablx  heightened 
sensibilities.  The  Salon  that  year  was  (ailed  the 


GKRTJK  R.  UTLEY      75 


Salon  de  la  Liberation  and  was  clearly  supposed  to 
symbolize  restored  French  culture.8"  It  could  be 
expected  that  to  offer  a  foreigner  center  stage  on 
such  a  patriotic  occasion  would  generate  opposi- 
tion. Yet  the  extent  of  the  ensuing  uproar,  the  so- 
called  scandale  du  Salon  d'Automne,  was  unforeseen."' 
Rallying  around  Picasso,  the  Communists  blamed 
the  demonstration  on  reactionary  initiatives,  and 
compared  it  to  the  "intimidation  tactics  experi- 
enced under  Nazi  occupation."8 '  Before  the  war 
Picasso  had  never  exhibited  in  the  official  salons. 
His  participation  in  the  Salon  de  la  Liberation  was 
his  first  gesture  as  an  artist  to  manifest  his  alle- 
giance to  the  party:  it  was  intended  to  demonstrate 
his  desire  to  be  in  closer  touch  with  the  public. 


:**%i$^<h? 


I  H,    6 


I'abln  I'ii.issii.  composition  diaumi;  loi    I  lit  Charm  I  House,  13  February 
1 1  ,  [ndiaink  on  paper,  12%  x  17 1  in.  (32  •  13.5  cm).  Private  collection. 


When  asked  to  explain  his  new  affiliation, 
Picasso's  statements  echo  the  unfocused,  romantic 
ideals  that  led  so  many  intellectuals  to  join  the 
Communist  ranks: 

I  have  become  a  Communist  because  our  party  strives 
more  than  any  other  to  know  and  to  build  the  world, 
to  make  men  clearer  thinkers,  more  free  and  more 
happy.  I  have  become  a  Communist  because  the 
Communists  are  the  bravest  in  France,  in  the  Soviet 
Union,  as  they  are  in  my  own  country,  Spain.  I  have 
never  felt  more  free,  more  complete  than  since  I 
joined.  .  .  .  I  am  again  among  brothers.*' 

Undeniably,  the  experience  of  the  Occupation 
and  the  courage  of  his  friends  in  the  Resistance 
played  an  important  part  in  Picasso's  commitment 
to  communism.  Mercedes  Guillen  recalls  how  dis- 
tressed Picasso  was  about  the  execution  of  the 
Communist  journalist  Gabriel  Peri  in  December 
1941,  and  how  deeply  moved  he  was  by  Peri's 
famous  last  letter.  Written  moments  before  Peri's 
execution,  it  contained  the  now  legendary  phrase 
that  communism  prepared  "les  lendemains  qui 
chantent"  (the  tomorrows  that  sing).1"' 

Like  many  others  who  had  joined  the  party  dur- 
ing the  war  or  in  the  early  days  of  the  Liberation, 
Picasso  was  no  Marxist  in  the  ideological  sense  of 
the  word;  in  all  likelihood  had  never  even  read 
Marx.8'  As  Malraux  observed,  it  was  less  through 
the  study  of  ideas  than  through  general  osmosis 
that  Marx's  ideas  spread  in  France,  where  commu- 
nism grew  largely  out  of  the  revolutionary  legacy 
of  1789.88  Moreover,  the  rise  of  fascism  in  the  1920s 
and  1930s,  the  Communists'  opposition  to  Hitler, 
and  Soviet  military  support  for  the  Spanish 
Republican  struggle  against  Franco's  insurgency 
boosted  the  party's  credibility. K!l 

In  the  aftermath  of  the  Liberation,  while  de 
Gaulle  was  seen  as  the  savior  of  France,  the 
Communists  were,  for  a  while,  the  true  beneficiaries 
of  postwar  political  currents.  Never  before  or  after 
did  the  Communist  Party  have  such  universal 
appeal  in  France,  and  in  particular  among  the 
French  intelligentsia.'"'  The  Communists'  claim  to  a 
courageous,  if  belated,  role  in  the  French  Resistance 


76     FROM  GUERNICA  TO  THE  CHARNEL  HOUSE 


LE  DON  A  LA  PATRIE  JUIN   1940 


L) 


;  ■     i  lUtsSANO  I  MROB  rt  SUR   I  BUI 

»•«.  1..1...  M  ~—...  A-  1      il  n  VMS  X  LA  ik\\>  i   U  DON  DB  MA 

■  *-.  UkWIIH  FltXNCt  ■  -.  , ~  _  ~f~  <CJ-  i-  M.-.4J  .  1*401 


Gerard  Ambroselli,  Ledon  a  lapatrit  fuin  1940  (La  Mareshal  Petain) 
Woodblock  on  paper.  Fonds  Petain.  Musee  d'Histoire 

Contemporaine  -  BDIC  l'anv 


provided  moral  authority."  Moreover,  the  Soviet 
Union,  as  the  country  that  had  suffered  the  heavi- 
est losses,  was  considered  by  many  French  to  be 
the  true  vanquisher  of  Nazi  Germany.'"  In  becom- 
ing a  Communist,  a  Frenchman  could  identify  with 
the  victor  over  fascism  and  play  a  role  in  averting 
future  aggressions  against  humanity."  Recent  expe- 
rience effaced  the  memory  of  Stalin's  show  trials  of 
the  1930s,  and  for  Picasso,  too,  it  seems  to  have 
obliterated  his  awareness  of  the  Communists' 
brutal  suppression  of  anarchist  movements  in 
Spain.  From  now  on  he  was  to  subscribe  to  the 
Communists'  claim  that  they  offered  the  only 
viable  alternative  to  Fascism." 

Although  Picasso  was  not  -  and  was  not 
expected  to  be  —  a  major  player  in  the  mechanics 
of  party  life,  he  was  precious  to  the  party  for  the 
prestige  his  membership  conveyed,  and  useful  to 
the  party's  image  as  the  champion  of  a  national 
cultural  renaissance. "'  He  was  valued  as  an  effective 
magnet  in  the  party's  drive  to  capture  the  imagina- 
tion of  great  numbers  of  potential  supporters  and 
members.  Later,  in  a  world  divided  by  the  Cold 
War,  his  presence  was  seen  as  lending  legitimacy  to 
the  Communists'  claim  that  theirs  was  indeed  the 
side  of  culture  and  peace. 

Picasso's  formal  alliance  with  the  party  that 


proclaimed  itself  to  be  the  champion  ol  the  masses, 
which  clearh  expected  him  to  create  an  ait  ol 
social  and  political  relevance,  had  kindled  his 
desire  to  address  his  new  audience  more  effe< 
lively.  He  gave  fresh  thought  to  the  signifying 
potential  of  his  art,  once  even  comparing  it  to 
Christ's  use  ol  parables,  "so  that  it  would  be 
accessible  to  the  w  idest  possible  audience.'"' 

In  February  1945,  Picasso  started  the  first 
sketchv  drawings  in  preparation  lor  his  grim, 
monochromatic  canvas,  the  Charncl House,  which 
was  his  first  attempt  to  assimilate  the  political  tenor 
of  Communist  Party  rhetoric  into  his  art  (cat.  no.  82). 
In  the  earliest  compositional  study  (13  February), 
the  group  of  victims  from  the  Charnel  House  can  be 
recognized  in  the  upper  register  of  the  drawing 
(fig.  6).  Above  them,  cursor}-  lines  suggest  a  hillv 
landscape  where  a  new  crop  of  wheat  and  a 
crowing  rooster  bespeak  renewal  sprung  from  the 
sacrifice  of  the  victims.  In  its  posterlike  use  of  tradi 
tional  images  of  rebirth  and  resurrection,  the  sketch 
conveys  the  party's  militant  optimism  in  a  renais- 
sance for  which  it  became  the  self-declared  chain 
pion.  Although  the  image  curiously  echoes  similar 
claims  under  Petain  (fig.7),  its  apparent  rhetorical 
intent  has  a  precedent  in  the  second  state  of 
Guernica  —  in  the  declamatory  image  of  the  dead 
warrior  holding  a  sheaf  of  wheat  high  before  the 
rising  sun  (fig.  3). 


Pablo  Pi(  asso,  Pitcher,  <  'andU,  and  <  assewle,  16  1  ebruar)  1945.  <  )il  on  can 
\.is.  12  ■  11  in  82  >  106  cm  Musee  National  d' Art  Moderne,  Centre 
National  d'  \n  el  de  <  ulture  I  "  orges  Pompidou,  Paris,  gift  from  the  .utisi 


GERTJ1    R.  II II  Y     77 


FIG.  9 

Pablo  Picasso.  The  Charnel  House,  state  I,  February  1945. 
Photograph  by  Christian  Zervos. 


Pablo  Picasso.  The  Charnel  House,  state  II,  April  1945. 
Photograph  by  Christian  Zervos. 


In  the  finished  painting,  the  scene  of  death  —  a 
pyramid  of  the  massacred  bodies  of  a  family  —  has 
taken  over  the  major  part  of  the  canvas.  Open 
fields  have  given  way  to  claustrophobic  enclosure, 
and  the  symbols  of  renewal  have  been  replaced 
by  a  still  life,  a  close  citation  of  Picasso's  canvas 
Pitcher,  Candle,  and  Casserole  of  Hi  February  1945, 
about  which  Picasso  said  to  Pierre  Daix:  "You  see 
even  casseroles  can  scream"  (fig.  8).  Only  the 
candle  has  been  omitted  here,  in  a  further  and 
surely  conscious  obliteration  of  any  token  of  hope. 
In  studying  the  proliferation  of  still  lifes  with  skulls 
in  Picasso's  work  during  the  months  of  February 
and  March  1945,  while  he  was  working  on  the 
Charnel  House,  it  is  clear  that  for  Picasso  the  associa- 
tion between  nature  morte  and  the  meditation  on 
death  goes  beyond  the  simple  play  on  words. 

The  atypically  slow  progress  of  the  painting, 
the  hesitations,  and  the  presence  of  so  many  penti- 
menti  seem  to  exceed  the  artistic  search  for  formal 
solutions  and  enter  the  delicate  sphere  of  defining 
a  moral  and  political  position.  The  four  photos 
that  Christian  Zervos  took  in  February,  April, 
May,  and  after  mid-July  of  Picasso's  work  on  the 
painting  allow  us  to  follow  his  progress,  and  to 
infer  meaning  from  transformation  (figs.  9-12). 

The  focus  of  the  painting  and  the  object  of 


Picasso's  major  hesitations  is  the  representation 
of  the  male  victim.  Bound  like  the  lamb  in  the 
sculpture  of  the  Man  with  a  Lamb  (ca.  March  1943; 
cat.  no.  66)  his  neck  twisted  and  elongated  in 
expressive  dislocation  like  that  of  the  horse  in 
Guernica,  he  brings  to  mind  all  the  personifications 
of  sacrificed  innocence  in  Picasso's  artistic  vocabu- 
lary. The  crosslike  configuration  between  his  arm 
and  the  post  to  which  he  is  bound  and  the  leanness 
of  his  torso  call  forth  images  of  the  sacrifice  on 
Golgotha  as  much  as  they  do  contemporary 
concentration  camp  photos.  One  of  his  palms  is 
opened  in  acceptance,  like  that  of  the  crucified 
Christ  in  Matthias  Griinewald's  Isenheim  Altar  (see 
page  82,  fig.  1);  the  other  is  clenched  in  a  fist  and 
provocatively  raised  in  the  Communist  salute, 
identifying  him  with  the  militancy  of  the  dead  war- 
rior in  the  earliest  states  of  Guernica.  The  consecu- 
tive states  of  the  painting  reveal  Picasso's 
vacillation  between  representing  the  man  with 
open  palms  or  with  clenched  fists,  between  the 
Christian  icon  of  redemption  and  the  Communist 
symbol  for  militant  strife.  This  hesitation  illustrates 
Picasso's  difficulty  in  deciding  between  belief  in 
resurrection  based  on  forgiveness  or  on  the  militant 
call  for  retribution.  The  compromise  that  Picasso 
chose  in  the  final  version  (cat.  no.  82),  one  hand 


78      FROM  GUERNICA  TO  THE  CHARNEL  HOUSE 


FIG    II 

Pablo  Picasso,  lln  Charnel House,  state  111,  Ma)  1945. 
Photograph  l>\  Christian  Zervos. 


Pablo  Picasso,  I  In  Charnel  House,  state  TV,  aftei  mid-Jul)  I'M 

I'll.  iloj;ra|)h  In  ( 'hnsljan  /n  \  1 1^ 


clenched,  one  open,  echoes  the  Communist  credo 
that  the  belief  in  the  rebirth  of  France  had  to 
coexist  with  the  partisan  call  for  revenge;  or  in  the 
words  of  UHumanite,  "For  the  salvation  of  human- 
ity, hatred  -  today  -  is  still  essential." " 

In  spring  1945,  the  euphoria  over  the  Liberation 
was  tragically  challenged  by  the  full  disclosure 
of  Nazi  brutalities  (Auschwitz  was  liberated  on 
1!)  Januarv  1945),  by  fear  for  the  lives  of  hundreds 
of  thousands  of  French  political  prisoners  still  in 
German  captivity,  and  by  the  continuation  of  the 
war.  In  France  a  new  war  had  started:  I'epuration, 
the  purge  of  Nazi  collaborators  as  a  precondition 
for  the  renaissance  francaise,  was  an  important  item 
on  the  agenda  of  the  French  Communists.  Picasso, 
whose  ties  to  the  party  were  at  their  closest  during 
those  months,  and  who  had  donated  the  Charnel 
House  to  benefit  one  of  its  charities,  shared  these 
sentiments.  He  was  full  of  scorn  toward  the  artists 
who,  like  Derain,  Vlaminck,  and  Othon  Friesz,  had 
helped  the  Germans  in  their  propaganda  efforts. 
On  3  October  1944,  the  eve  of  his  official  enroll 
ment  in  the  French  Communist  Party,  Picasso 
presided  at  a  meeting  of  the  Comite  directeur 
du  Front  national  des  arts,  which  was  held  at  his 
studio  and  at  which  the  punishment  of  artists  and 
critics  suspected  of  collaboration  was  demanded." 


Picasso's  signature  under  the  introductory  state- 
ment to  the  catalogue  for  the  Communist-spon 
sored  exhibition  Art  et  resistance  in  early  19  1(>. 
where  the  Charnel  House  was  first  shown,  confirms 
that  the  painting  was  meant  as  a  militant  call  for 
"justice  toward  those  whose  sacrifice  secured  the 
survival  of  France." 

The  Charnel  House,  unprecedented  in  Picasso's 
oeuvre  for  its  brutal  imagery,  unmitigated  b\  the 
mvthologizing  symbolism  that  pervades  Guernica, 
illustrates  Picasso's  claim  that  "painting  is  not  made 
to  decorate  apartments.  It's  an  offensive  and  defen- 
sive weapon  against  the  enemy,"'    a  weapon 
Picasso  would  continue  to  use  on  behalf  of  the 
Communist  Party  well  into  the  first  decade  of 
the  Cold  War. 


(.1  RTJI   R.UTLEY      79 


Where  Do  They  Come  From- 
Those  Superb  Paintings  and  Horrid 
Women  of  "Picasso's  War"? 


Brigitte  Baer 


W, 


ar  is  generalized  catastrophe,  and 
no  doubt  it  was  Matthias  Griinewald 
who  first  and  best  portrayed  the  great  catastrophe 
in  his  Crucifixion  for  the  Isenheim  Altar  (fig.  1).  Here, 
probably  for  the  first  time,  it  is  not  the  Man- God 
who  is  dying  in  order  to  return  to  his  Father,  but 
rather  a  man,  already  putrescent,  who  is  dying, 
abandoned  by  everyone  -  by  his  friends  the  apos- 
tles, his  omnipotent  Father,  and  even  his  mother, 
who  dances  the  dance  of  death  with  her  substitute 
son,  the  young  Saint  John. 

To  be  sure,  Mary  Magdalen,  who  loves  him, 
weeps  at  his  feet,  and  Saint  John  the  Baptist,  the 
last  prophet,  the  Precursor  (who  died  because  of  a 
woman),  points  his  finger  for  us  all  to  see  the  Fate 
of  Man:  Ecce  Homo.  In  this  painting  there  is  no 
hope,  no  possible  Resurrection,  but  only  solitude, 
the  hopeless  horror  of  death,  and  perhaps  even  the 
Crucified's  scorn  and  hatred.  It  is  therefore  not  sur- 
prising that  the  veil  of  the  temple  was  torn  and  the 
sky  darkened  in  broad  daylight.  Nor  is  it  surprising 
that  this  altarpiece  was  rediscovered  in  our 
pessimistic  century,  which  is  full  of  catastrophes. 
The  great  catastrophe,  for  a  painter,  has  always 
been  the  Crucifixion  (most  men,  and  in  any  case 
painters  who  are  or  feel  themselves  to  be  marginal 


and  to  have  a  kind  of  mission,  like  Jesus,  identify 
with  Christ  at  some  time  in  their  lives  ;  when 
Goya  painted  his  wonderful  Third  of  May,  1808 
(see  page  42,  fig.  2),  he  gave  the  man  about  to  be 
shot,  who  is  kneeling,  Christ's  outstretched  arms. 
Faith  hiiving  been  lost,  approximated  after  Rogier 
van  der  Weyden,  there  remains  only  a  more  or 
less  complacent  identification  of  the  painter  with 
Christ,  or,  perhaps,  of  his  ego  ideal  with  Christ,  or 
even  of  the  object  of  his  mirror-love,  as  in  VV.  H. 
Hunt's  obscene  Shadow  of  Death,  which  might  be 
excused  because  of  its  time  ( 1873-74). J 

Picasso  also  for  a  time  was  obsessed  with  the 
Isenheim  Crucifixion.  Although  he  successfullv 
brought  chaos  and  cataclysm  into  his  1930  panel 
on  this  same  subject,   he  did  so  with  iron)  and 
even  sarcasm.  More  interesting  for  our  present 
concerns  are  the  1J)32  drawings  (e.g.,  fig.  2),  and 
the  last  one  done  on  21  August  lf)38l  that  led  Jean 
Clair  to  connect  Picasso's  Crucifixion  with  a  baccha 
rial,  thus  establishing  the  first  link  in  the  sequence 
leading  from  bacchanal  to  street  lighting  (violence, 
catastrophe,  and  acute  pleasure).    But  the  1932 
drawings  go  further.  The  1938  drawing,  probabl) 
done  in  a  fit  of  rage  against  the  women  who  were 
then  pestering  him,  shows  Man  Magdalen  cling 


81 


Matthias  Griinewald,  The  Crucifixion,  Isenheim  Altar,  1512-16.  Oil  on  panel, 
105%  x  120%  in.  (269  x  307  cm).  Musee  d'Unterlinden,  Colmar. 


ing  to  the  crucified  Christ's  genitalia  while  the 
Virgin  drinks  the  blood  spurting  from  the  lance 
wound  in  his  side.  The  1932  drawings  show  a 
ripped-apart  body,  as  it  is  experienced  in  a  severe 
psychotic  episode,  which  Picasso  links  with  early 
childhood  through  his  drawing  of  L'Epingle  de 
nourice  [sic]  (the  wet-nurse's  pin,  that  is,  a  safety  pin) 
on  which  he  writes  the  words  to  make  the  refer- 
ence clear.7  Some  catastrophe,  experience  of  vio- 
lence, or  traumatism  from  so  long  ago  remains 
vivid,  attached  by  a  safety  pin  that  can  never  be 
opened  by  the  little  child  or  later  by  the  adult  he 
is  supposed  to  be. 

But  this  catastrophe  has  been  provoked  by 
curiosity,  in  particular  by  sexual  curiosity,  if  we 
somewhat  broaden  the  scope  of  "sexual."  Who 
was  dismembered  and  eaten  during  a  bacchanal 
he  was  not  supposed  to  see,  if  not  the  Pentheus  of 
Euripides'  tragedy,  The  Bacchantes?  Pentheus  did 


Pablo  Picasso 

Woman  Sealed  in  an  Armchair  (detail) 
4  October  1941.  Cat.  no.   15. 


not  have  the  right  to  see  those  women  and  his 
mother  giving  themselves  up  to  the  instincts 
unleashed  by  the  festival.  He  watched,  was  imag- 
ined to  be  a  wild  animal  by  his  own  mother  (the 
Earth-Mother  who  gives  life  and  takes  it  back), 
was  torn  to  shreds,  and  partially  eaten. 

This  is  a  sort  of  return  to  the  maternal  belly. 
The  mother,  as  she  is  seen  in  the  living  room  or 
in  the  children's  room,  becomes  the  beast  who  is 
hiding  with  someone  behind  the  second  curtain  in 
Les  Demoiselles  d 'Avignon  (see  page  44,  fig.  7).  After 
having  stimulated  such  an  excitement,  which  is 
impossible  for  a  small  child  to  integrate  without 
experiencing  a  devastating  shock,  she  emerges 
mad  with  anger  from  that  lair,  her  staring,  Medusa- 
like gaze  turning  the  child  to  stone,  for  a  long  time 
and  sometimes  for  ever. 

For  one  reason  or  another  this  catastrophe  had 
been  diluted  by  the  young  Pablo  Ruiz  until  finally 
it  encompassed  all  physical  violence  and  thus  also 
war.  He  shows  this  clearly  in  sketchbook  46  :s  two 
wash  drawings  representing  sex,  but  what  sex! 
The  man  really  looks  as  though  he  were  not  only 
raping  the  woman  but  also  strangling  and  killing 
her.  At  that  time  the  Germans  were  in  Royan, 
sunbathing  in  their  boxer  shorts  on  the  beaches;  fat 
and  pink,  they  pillow  fought  with  the  dead,  green, 
putrescent  jellyfish  (meduses)  that  covered  these 
beaches.  The  beaches  then  also  were  littered  with 
planks  from  sunken  ships,  tobacco  leaves  ruined  by 
salt  water,  and  barrels  of  port  that  the  local  people 
were  tapping,  drinking  right  from  the  barrels  or 
carrying  the  precious  liquid  home  in  pails  and 
basins;  in  short,  they  were  wreckers'  beaches. "  All 
this  mess  —  all  this  war,  violence,  all  this  fear,  and 
shame  —  all  this  chaos  and  the  panic  it  engendered 
was,  for  the  artist,  "caused"  by  a  childish  curiosity 
so  deeply  buried  in  the  unconscious  that  it  could 
be  expressed  only  in  images.'" 

It  is  fairly  clear  that  for  Picasso  war  was  a  matter 
of  "private  mythology,"  as  Carl  Einstein  put  it, 
even  if  his  work  especially  between  1939  and  1943 
"stinks  of  war.""  For  his  work  of  this  period  stinks 
of  war,  or  rather  of  the  German  Occupation,  more 
than  that  of  any  other  artist  during  the  period 
of  crisis  that  began,  in  Germany  at  least,  as  early 


82     WHERE  DO  THEY  COME  FROM? 


as  1930  and  did  not  end,  unfortunately,  in  1!'  !.">. 

In  l!)f)7  Paris  saw  two  enlightening  exhibitions 
about  crisis,  war,  and  atrocity  (1930-96). 12  They 
obviously  (for  me)  pointed  out  that  painting  is  inca- 
pable of  showing  the  horror  of  war  in  the  twentieth 
century.  It  is  completely  impossible.  Why?  I  do  not 
know.  Perhaps  a  painting  requires  a  construction,  an 
"art"  (a  word  Picasso  hated)  that  destroys  emotion, 
at  least  emotion  confronted  with  such  cataclysms. 

It  may  be  difficult  for  Americans  even  to  imag- 
ine what  it  is  like  to  live  in  one's  own  counti  \ 
when  it  is  occupied  by  an  enemy  like  the  Germans 
in  World  War  II.  To  be  sure,  some  profited  from 
the  situation.  There  were  parties,  full  restaurants,  a 
whole  gai  Paris  that  swam  like  fish  in  those  waters. 
But  they  were  in  a  minority.  As  Jean-Paul  Sartre 
more  or  less  said,  life  under  the  Occupation  was 
intolerable,  but  somehow  one  got  used  to  it. 
Sartre's  opinions  fluctuated  during  this  period, 
but  he  lived  much  as  did  Picasso,  of  whom  Jean 
Cocteau  said,  in  his  usual  nasty  way  in  the  entry 
for  19  September  1944  of  his  journal  (in  which  he 
refers  mainly  to  society  events  and  his  little  physi- 
cal ailments),  "All  extreme  regimes,  in  literature 
as  in  politics,  have  adopted  Picasso.  It  is  odd, 
these  days,  to  see  him  praised  as  lun  pur  de  la 
Resistance'  .  .  .  Picasso  has  no  opinion.  He  would 
think  it  unworthy  of  himself  to  have  one."' 

Picasso  had  never  seen  war,  not  World  War  I, 
which  the  French  call  "The  Great  War,"  and  he 
probably  knew  nothing  about  it,  soldiers  having 
had  no  desire,  when  they  finally  got  a  leave,  to  talk 
about  the  horror,  butchery,  and  bloody  sacrifices  in 
the  trenches,  knowing  well  that  no  one  behind  the 
lines  would  believe  them  anyway.  He  did  not  expe- 
rience the  Spanish  Civil  War,  nor  even,  when  he 
was  going  back  and  forth  between  Paris  and  Royan, 
the  exodus  of  people  terrified  by  memories  of 
atrocities  the  German  uhlans  had  committed  in  the 
northeastern  provinces  during  the  1914  war.  For  a 
man  of  his  generation  and  age,  his  experience  of 
death  was  very  limited.  In  18!)."),  he  had  seen  his  sis- 
ter Conchita  dead,  but  had  he  seen  her  die?  (Death 
is  so  quick  and  sudden  in  diphtheria  and  children 
were  kept  away  from  such  scenes.)  He  had  seen 
the  painter  Wiegels,  his  neighbor,  dead  at  the 


?a.V,    x.  j.r*  J-s 


Pablo  Picasso,  Crucifixion,  l\  <  Ictober  1932.  Pen  and  ink  on  paper, 
Ki  ■  I  ;  in    25.5  k  33  cm  .  Musee  Picasso,  Paris  \I  1'  1085. 


Bateau-Lavoir  in  1908  (he  hung  himself).  He 
had  certainly  seen  his  loved  mistress  ("ma  jolie") 
Eva  very  ill  in  1915,  but  was  he  there  when  she 
was  dying  in  the  clinic?  He  had  seen  Guillaume 
Apollinaire  dead,  though  not  dying.  That  same 
evening,  looking  into  his  shaving  mirror,  he  drew  a 
self-portrait"  that  was  stricken  but  not  despondent, 
his  forehead  wrinkled,  his  mouth  set  and  drawn, 
and  death  in  his  eves  —  a  sort  of  death  mask,  bill  a 

J 

death  mask  searching  for  pain,  misery,  and  emotion 
in  the  mirror.  Guilt  stifles  real  sadness.  Picasso's  rela- 
tionship with  Apollinaire  had  been  rather  hectic, 
and  it  is  important  to  recall  that  Apollinaire  died  of 
the  "Spanish"  flu,  and  that  Picasso  was  superstitious. 

It  seems  that  Picasso  could  feel  what  he  called 
his  "emotions"    only  through  the  intermediary  of  a 
mirror.  It  was  a  real  mirror,  in  this  case,  but  other- 
wise he  discovered  his  feelings  in  the  mirror  of 
other  peoples'  eyes  or  faces,  or  at  least  what  he 
projected  there,  even  into  those  bodies  at  rest  or 
convulsed  -  in  short,  through  the  intermedial  \  ol 
his  painting.  Simplifying  excessively,  it  could  be 
said  that  he  did  not  feel  and  had  no  consciousness 
of  what  he  felt,  but  that  through  an  acrobatic  leap 


BRIGHT]    H  \  I  R     B3 


he  painted  it  in  others.  That  is  what  Jaime  Sabartes 
expresses  by  saying  that  in  a  portrait  one  can 
immediately  see  the  mood  of  the  artist  and  of  the 
model  at  the  very  moment  when  the  portrait  was 
made."'  Picasso  told  Christian  Zervos  that  painting 
allowed  him  to  "evacuate"  an  excess  of  emotion.  " 
This  can  mean  he  must  have  painted  what  he  saw 
then,  but  he  saw  through  his  emotion,  the  projection 
of  his  own  violence:  "she"  sleeps  all  the  time  meant 
that  he  wanted  to  sleep  and  could  sleep  curled  up 
in  the  maternal  lap.  "She"  cries,  "she"  has  fits  of 
hysteria  or  anger,  meant  that  he  himself  was  suffer- 
ing and  angry,  and  so  on. 

Many  men  like  war.  Even  Apollinaire,  who  was 
rather  "feminine,"  could  say  "Ah,  Dieu!  que  la 
guerre  est  jolie."1*  Little  boys  play  at  war.  Up  to 
that  time,  in  any  case,  it  was  women  who  hated 
war,  which  meant  waiting,  anxiety,  shredding  linen 
for  bandages,  fear  for  husbands,  brothers,  fathers, 
and  sons  —  all  experienced  passively,  in  solitude. 
But  in  real  life,  Picasso  was  afraid  of  all  physical 
violence.  His  own  violence  passed  directly,  without 
his  becoming  aware  of  it,  into  what  he  called  paint- 
ing (which  means  art  in  general).  He  probably 
never  even  boxed  anyone's  ears.  He  complained 
but  he  did  not  hit;  a  little  authority  would  probably 
have  made  his  life,  and  those  of  others,  easier,  but 
his  vengeance  consisted  in  sulking;  fortunately  for 
him  and  for  those  around  him,  as  well  as  for  us 
who  can  see  the  superb  paintings  produced  during 
his  periods  of  crisis,  his  vengeance  consisted  in  the 
violence  in  his  painting. 

The  war  in  Spain  certainly  disturbed  him,  but 
probably  without  his  really  feeling  it:  it  was  far 
away.  The  Occupation  was  something  else  to 
endure,  but  like  Sartre,  he  got  along  somehow. 
Practically,  he  managed  well,  protected  as  he  was 
by  Andre-Louis  Dubois  even  after  he  left  the  Surete 
nationale,  Maurice  Toesca,  and  the  Spanish  ambas- 
sador Lequerica. '''  He  was  protected  by  Arno  Breker 
as  well,  and  in  general  by  the  German  embassy.'" 

The  Germans  considered  Paris  to  be  a  sort  of 
shop  window  that  would  demonstrate  to  the  world 
their  love  for  art.21  Museums  were  partly  reopened, 
the  Paris  Opera  was  flourishing,  artists  were  pam- 
pered, and  Picasso  was  the  most  famous  of  them 


all.  It  is  said  that  he  refused  the  supply  of  coal 
offered  by  the  German  ambassador,  but  his  cellar 
was  full  of  coal  (of  course,  the  studio  in  the  rue  des 
Grands-Augustins  was  hard  to  heat,  but  everyone 
was  cold,  everyone  had  chilblains,  and  Picasso 
managed  to  keep  warm  enough).  He  sold  pictures 
(to  the  Germans,  obviously,  but  he  did  not  have  to 
know  that)  through  the  intermediary  of  the  Galerie 
Louis  Carre,  and  through  various  runners;  he  sold 
enough  to  live  comfortably.  He  took  part  in  small 
exhibitions  held  in  various  galleries.  He  managed, 
probably  through  Breker,  who  admired  his  sculp- 
ture, to  have  cast  in  bronze  the  big  Boisgeloup 
heads,  the  Death's  Head  (cat.  no.  54),  and  the  Cats, 
at  the  very  moment  when  the  Germans  were 
pulling  down  statues  all  over  Paris  in  order  to  melt 
them  down  for  the  bronze."2  He  was  able  to  get 
thick  beefsteaks.  When  he  later  said  to  someone 
that  it  was  dangerous  for  him  to  go  from  the 
rue  des  Grands-Augustins  to  the  Bibliotheque 
Nationale,  which  was  ten  minutes'  walk  away,  he 
was  forgetting  that  children  were  managing  to  go 
to  school,  and  that  the  texts  by  Reventos  that  he 
said  he  had  copied  there  at  that  time  were  in  fact 
copied  between  9  and  14  February  1947.  The  fat 
sketchbook  known  as  Carnet  X  (dating  between 
1941  and  1963)  in  which  he  copied  these  texts 
makes  the  dates  clear. 

This  is  not  to  attack  Picasso,  but  only  the  legends 
around  him.  Why  should  he  be  a  hero?  An  artist  is 
an  artist;  it  is  not  the  same  profession.  All  Picasso 
wanted  was  not  to  be  compromised,  to  go  on  living 
and  painting  peacefully.  Germans  came  to  visit 
him,  which  was  useful  for  his  security,  but  he  never 
appeared  with  them  in  public.  Heller,  however, 
saw  him  at  the  Opera  (Picasso,  who  hated  music!), 
at  a  performance  of  Jeanne  au  bucher.23  Everyone  has 
seen  photos  of  the  Opera  house  during  the  war,  the 
good  seats  entirely  filled  with  Germans.  For  the 
"decent"  people  who  experienced  the  Occupation 
as  a  kind  of  Lent,  this  may  have  been  a  little  too 
much.  It  is  true  Picasso  was  a  friend  of  Paul  Eluard 
and  Robert  Desnos  (on  the  other  side  of  the  barri- 
cade), but  Eluard's  Resistance  was  relatively  theo- 
retical, certainly  poetical.  Desnos,  who  lived  near 
the  rue  Guenegaud,  just  a  short  distance  from 


84     WHERE  DO  THEY  COME  FROM? 


Picasso,  and  who  managed  with  Ins  wife  Youki 
always  to  keep  open  house  in  his  attic,  was  arrested 
in  February  1944  for  actual  resistance.  Malicious 
gossips  claimed  at  the  time  that  Picasso  had  called 
Robert  an  idiot;  '  that  having  been  warned,  he 
should  have  escaped  over  the  rooftops.  (But  Youki 
had  gone  out,  and  Desnos  was  afraid  that  she 
might  be  arrested  in  his  stead.)  In  any  case,  Youki 
made  it  her  business  to  have  Contree  published,  a 
book  for  which  Picasso  had  done  an  etching  {Seated 
Woman,  23  December  1943;  cat.  no.  72).  A  letter 
from  her  dated  21  May  1944  begs  Picasso  to  agree 
to  deliver  this  etching,  which  apparently  he  was 
then  refusing  to  do.  Perhaps  he  didn't  like  Youki, 
but  it  is  also  likely  that  participating  in  the  publica- 
tion of  a  book  of  poems  by  someone  who  had  been 
deported  for  taking  part  in  the  Resistance  would 
have  been  compromising  at  the  very  moment 
when  the  Germans,  at  bay,  were  at  their  most 
savage.  Who  knows? 

The  Occupation  was  intolerable;  people  barely 
survived.  Some  have  called  it  a  time  of  purgatory,  in 
the  sense  that  in  Purgatory  time  does  not  count,  nor 
does  hope;  all  is  gloomy,  dark,  and  cold.  One  might 
also  describe  this  period  as  a  long  winter  that  lasted 
four  years,  in  the  sense  that  winter  means  that 
Nature  is  dead.  This  cold  drove  people  into  them- 
selves, into  a  total  silence.  People  lived  under  the 
leaden  lid  of  a  stormy,  icy  sky.  Except  for  bicycles 
and  the  Germans'  big  cars  streets  were  empty,  the 
intersections  full  of  boards  covered  with  German 
Gothic  lettering.  Curfew,  glacial  winter,  and  fear 
were  the  only  items  on  the  menu.  You  never  knew 
what  might  happen  to  those  you  loved.  No  one 
talked.  Parents  forbade  their  children  to  tell  their 
classmates  what  happened  at  home;  silence  and  sus- 
picion were  the  watchwords.  For  a  "mirror-being" 
like  Picasso,  a  fearful,  worried  person  who  could 
not  endure  "emotion,"  it  was,  though  he  probably 
did  not  realize  it,  a  psychological  ordeal  that  could 
not  fail  to  lend  a  certain  tone  to  his  painting. 

Those  of  Picasso's  works  done  between  1939 
and  1942  are  probably  the  most  powerful,  obvi- 
ouslv  with  some  failures,  but  the  most  beautiful.  It 
is  interesting  to  note  that  the  most  eloquent,  beauti 
ful,  and  strongest  are  always  triggered  bv  an  event, 


"a  catastrophe."  For,  it  he  was  afraid,  it  was 
because  day  after  da\  he  woke  up  in  fear  of  a 
catastrophe  thai  he  could  not,  of  course,  name, 
something  experienced  in  earl)  childhood  and 
definitively  buried.  A  current  event,  not  necessaril) 
a  catastrophic  one,  was  enough  to  bung  back  to  life 
the  poisoned  and  enduring  splinter.  This  is  true  loi 
many  people,  as  one  realizes  il  one  listens  to  them 
with  a  "benevolent  and  evenly  suspended"  atten 
tion.J   In  Picasso's  case,  the  catalyst  was  nearl) 
always  either  the  reactions  of  a  child  who  was 
present  (consider  the  role  of  little  Ra\  monde's 
so-called  sexual  curiosit\  in  the  evolution  of  the 
Demoiselles),  or  else  the  emotions  of  others,  those 
who  were  close  to  him. 

To  show  this,  let  us  move  completely  out  of  the 
overloaded  period  of  the  Occupation.  It  is  only  in 
1950-51  that  this  seventy-year-old  man  understood 
what  his  mother's  pregnancy  had  meant  for  him 
and  what  was  still  lingering  in  his  unconscious,  as  it 
would  be  for  any  child.  It  must  be  remembered 
that  what  we  find  as  perfectly  normal  and  even 
amusing  today  in  little  children  was  seen  as  a  great 
sin  at  the  end  of  the  nineteenth  century.  In  this 
case,  the  child  desired  the  magical  disappearance 
of  the  baby,  who  took  up  all  the  room  when  he 
was  sitting  on  his  mother's  lap,  and  who  was  going 
to  replace  him  (then  he  would  probably  be  thrown 
in  the  trash  can,  replaced  like  a  broken  tov  bv  a 
new  one). 

Although  this  was  relived  bv  him  through  little 
Claude's  crises  of  anxiety  and  concern  when  his 
sister  Paloma  was  about  to  be  born,  Picasso  was 
referring  only  to  himself  in  his  sculptures  of  a  preg- 
nant Goat  with  an  empty  belly,  a  Pregnant  Woman 
with  an  empty  bellv  and  empty  breasts    made  out 
of  empty  milk  pitchers!),  and  especially  the  preg- 
nant Female  Monkey  with  that  enormous,  empt) 
bellv  Claude's  property,  because  the  head  is  made 
out  of  the  bodies  of  two  little  cars  that  belonged  to 
him  .    As  much  as  he  can,  the  little  monkey,  who 
is  really  a  little  child,  clings  desperately  to  the 
maternal  lap  from  which  he  is  going  to  be  evicted, 
from  which  he  has  ahead)  been  evicted  since 
he  can  no  longer  even  put  Ins  arms  around  his 
mother's  neck.  This  extended  example  attempts 


BRIOITTh  BAKR      85 


to  give  a  sense  of  how  things  worked  through 
Picasso's  hand  and  eye,  if  not  in  his  head.  For  I  am 
convinced  that  he  had  no  rational  consciousness 
of  these  feelings. 

Although  at  the  time  of  the  Spanish  Civil  War 
and  the  Occupation,  Picasso  lacked  a  child-mirror, 
he  had  another  mirror,  like  himself  somewhat 
inclined  toward  catastrophe:  Dora  Maar.  Dora 
Maar  reacted  intensely  to  all  the  news,  followed  it 
closely,  and  belonged  to  a  relatively  well-informed 
intellectual  milieu.  She  was,  like  Picasso,  melan- 
cholic and  high  strung.  He  had  only  to  watch  her 
reactions  to  know  what  his  were,  although  hers 
were  stronger  and  dramatized.  Nevertheless,  it 
would  not  make  sense  to  regard  his  terrified,  terrify- 
ing, hard,  nasty,  cruel,  spying  "women  of  the  war" 
as  avatars  of  Dora  Maar.  He  saw  these  women  with 
his  X-ray  eyes  (like  Proust's)2*  in  the  streets,  cafes, 
and  metro,  through  the  distorting  mirror  of  his  own 
passion,  anger,  mistrust,  hatred,  and  rage  -  that 
is,  they  are  his  projections.  These  women  could 
express  themselves,  whereas  he,  a  Latin  man  who 
owed  it  to  himself  to  be  "macho"  in  the  good  sense 
of  the  word,  could  not  show  his  feelings. 

Strangely,  this  expression  of  personal  suffering 
begins  in  September  1939  (in  reality,  as  far  as 
suffering  per  se  is  concerned,  from  19  April  1939 
onward),  and  fades  at  the  worst  time  in  the  war, 
14  July  1942,  with  the  first  version  of  Man  with  a 
Lamb.  Then,  in  1943,  he  creates  many  haggard 
women  like  the  one  of  6  July,-'1  or  clearly  mad 
women  like  the  one  of  16  August,"'  but  he  also 
sketches  the  tender,  attentive  mother  of  First  Steps 
(cat.  no.  67)/'  who  is  unknown  earlier,  and  the 
little  boy  who  peacefully  plays  with  his  rattle-penis 
under  the  kind  protection  of  a  couple  of 
pigeons/parents."  Why?  Everything  is  going  as 
badly  as  it  can,  and  yet,  Picasso  feels  better.  Is  it 
that  the  war  and  the  Occupation  are  only  a  climate 
or  an  atmosphere  (to  use  Arletty's  expression)," 
the  pressure  and  insecurity  of  which  exacerbate 
a  purely  private  crisis?  "Picasso  has  no  opinion!" 
And  yet  his  work  evokes  the  war,  the  catastrophe, 
more  than  any  other.  Here  we  have  a  conundrum. 

Already  in  1937,  it  is  said,  the  artist  was  racking 
his  imagination  about  the  mural  he  had  been 


commissioned  to  do  for  the  Spanish  Pavilion 
at  the  Paris  World's  Fair.  And  then  Guernica 
happened,  and  the  work  bloomed  almost  overnight, 
like  a  moonflower. 

Picasso,  a  true  Spaniard  from  Malaga,  and  then 
from  Barcelona,  was  incapable  of  seeing  the 
Basque  country  as  Spanish.  All  Spaniards  in  the 
south  detest  the  Basques,  though  it  is  not  quite 
clear  why.  They  are  nasty,  dirty,  and  so  on,  they 
say.  Picasso,  however,  had  never  seen  the  Basque 
country.  To  paint  Guernica,  he  had  to  think  about 
the  villages  of  his  youth  that  he  knew  and  loved, 
devastated  by  the  bombardment  -  Horta,  seen  first 
on  his  trip  to  Manuel  Pallares's  home  in  1898,  and 
Gosol,  visited  in  1906.  But  the  chaos  he  painted, 
the  unimaginable,  end-of-the-world  turmoil,  could 
only  have  been  suggested  to  him  by  an  entirely 
internalized  memory  of  the  only  real  cataclysm  he 
had  ever  experienced  -  at  the  age  of  three,  the 
earthquake  in  Malaga.1'  The  horse  and  the  bull  in 
Guernica  are  the  Spain  of  the  corrida,  not  of  the 
Basque  country.  As  a  child,  Picasso  was  very  sensi- 
tive, skinny,  a  little  sickly,  extremely  high-strung, 
and  full  of  imagination.  A  photograph  made  when 
he  was  four  years  old,  and  another  when  he  was 
seven,  show  large,  sad,  passionate,  deep  eyes, 
already  X-ray  eyes,  in  a  thin,  pale  face.1'  He  looks 
like  Proust  when  he  was  a  child,  a  resemblance 
increased  by  the  stiff,  black  shock  of  hair  that 
covers  his  head  like  a  cap. 

The  Malaga  earthquake  recurred  in  his  night- 
mares, for  he  often  spoke  about  it  to  Sabartes,  who 
is  an  extremely  precious  source  of  truth  about 
Picasso  (here  the  historicity  of  things  is  of  little 
importance;  the  fantasies  are  all  that  count  for 
human  beings).  From  the  child's  point  of  view,  the 
heaving  and  burning  earth  cracked  its  shell  and 
projected  its  anger  outside.  In  the  child,  the  same 
rage  and  pressure  that  were  almost  impossible  to 
express  made  his  soul,  head,  and  heart  crack  open. 
Another  child  was  going  to  be  born  (in  fact  Lola, 
his  sister,  was  born  shortly  after  the  beginning  of 
the  earthquake)  and  the  earth's  fire  erupted  to 
punish  him  for  his  anxious  hatred.  In  short,  the 
catastrophe  was  all  his  "fault."  He  had  caused  this 
immense  internal  and  external  catastrophe  that 


86     WHERE  DO  THEY  COME  FROM? 


later  made  him  shut  his  eyes  to  subsequent  real  cata 
strophes,  which  were  nothing  compared  to  that 
one.  Because,  all  was  his  fault.  Rage  had  created 
both  earthquake  and  his  own  unconscious  hatred 
that  could  kill  the  people  he  loved  best. 

The  other  catastrophe  was  the  one  evoked  by 
the  Demoiselles  and  bv  the  drawings  on  some 
sketchbook  pages"  where  a  little  toddler  of  about 
two,  no  doubt  awakened  by  "the  noise,"  tries  to 
slip  inside  the  curtain  of  "the  parents1  bedroom"  to 
look.  For  the  rest  of  his  life  this  other  "catastrophe" 
caused  him  to  see  embraces  as  veritable  battles, 
hand-to-hand  combat.  Love  and  war  were  the 
same  thing.  Which  one  of  the  parents  is  going  to 
kill  the  other  behind  the  curtain?  Who  am  I  going 
to  kill  when  I  love?  It  would  be  better  to  drive 
them  away  beforehand,  as  it  would  be  better  not  to 
fall  asleep,  so  that  the  parents  do  not  kill  each  other 
while  one  sleeps.  Then,  sleep  late  in  the  morning, 
while  everyone  else  is  up;  sleep  or  daydream  in 
a  bed  that  is  still  somehow  the  maternal  lap.  Do 
nothing,  remain  rolled  up  against  her,  since  that  is 
what  she  wants,  that  is  what  will  assure  her  of  the 
perfect  dependency  (the  safety  pin)  of  her  baby, 
who  is  in  fact  chained  by  the  tentacles  of  an  octo- 
pus, the  octopuses  that  he  painted  and  drew  in  the 
form  of  Marie-Therese,  the  woman  he  probably 
loved  most. 

Obviously,  all  this  remained  totally  unconscious. 
Fortunately  for  the  child,  on  the  night  of  the  earth- 
quake his  father  carried  him  away  wrapped  in  a 
shawl,  held  tight  against  him,  protected  from  the 
fury  of  the  earth  and  the  boy's  immense  rage-guilt- 
terror.  Then,  in  La  Coruha,  the  father  at  first  substi- 
tuted for  the  mother  by  taking  the  child  to  school, 
reassuring  him,  and  coming  to  pick  him  up  (the 
boy  was  afraid  of  being  left  at  school,  and  like  all 
children  who  have  a  fear  of  leaving  home,  he  was 
afraid  of  another  "catastrophe";  he  had  to  keep 
watch).  The  father  later  gave  him  a  way  to  achieve 
his  own  independence.  He  provided  pencils, 
brushes,  lessons,  then  teachers  and  good  training; 
he  was  truly  a  coach,  instilling  professional  habits 
and  respect  for  tools  in  his  son,  and  the  reason 
why,  later  on,  Picasso  could  sav  that  one  had  to 
master  technique  so  fully  that  one  could  then  and 


onh  then  forget  it  altogether. John  Richardson  says 
that  Picasso,  at  the  same  time  that  he  loved  his 
lather,  hated  him  (passim).  This  is  arguable,  as  the 
father  appears  everywhere,  such  as  in  the  i  ubisl 
compositions  of  men  at  table,  the  sculptors  of  the 
Vollard  Suite,  and  m  the  character  of  Degas  in 
his  late  work.  It  was  a  dispassionate  relationship, 
with  few  disagreements.  ( )!  course  the)   had  a 
few  conflicts  as  when,  for  example,  the  adolescent 
was  wasting  time  running  around  at  night  in 
Barcelona.     However,  these  disputes  allowed  the 
young  artist  to  work  through  his  Oedipus  complex 
in  anger,  but  also  in  the  security  of  affection. 

Picasso's  mother,  who  was  very  young  when  he 
was  born,  considered  him,  her  firstborn  and  onl\ 
son,  to  be  a  sort  of  messiah,  for  whom  she  had  a 
passionate,  possessive  but  distant,  almost  shy,  love, 
at  least  after  his  earliest  infancy.  She  was  plump   a 
mark  of  beauty  at  the  time),  agile,  vivacious,  merry 
-  a  true  Andalusian.  Playing  an  active  role  in  a  big 
household,  she  probably  was  unable  to  provide 
him  with  the  times  of  rest  and  evenly  suspended 
attention  that  allow  a  baby,  and  then  the  adult  that 
he  is  to  become,  to  be  alone-in-the-presence-of- 
someone  and,  so,  to  be  able  to  live  with  other 
people  as  well  as  to  be  creative.  s  Picasso  seems 
to  seek  this  silent,  restful  presence/absence  of  the 
model  in  almost  half  the  prints  in  the  Vollard  Suite, 
to  cite  only  one  example.  A  baby  is  ferocious  when 
he  is  hungry,  and  later  on  feels  quasi-sexual  need, 
but  he  also  wants  calm  and  unintrusivc  affection. 
For  little  Pablo,  as  for  am  small  child,  his  mother 
must  have  been  the  very  image  of  beauty,  of  ever\ 
thing  a  woman  should  be.  Later,  of  course,  she 
became  rather  bossy,  by  character  and  by  neces- 
sity: her  husband,  often  away,  was  also  depressed. 

By  moving  to  Paris,  Picasso  chose  exile,  the  clas- 
sic solution  for  those  who  are  too  attached  to  then 
mothers.  She  wrote  to  him  constanth ,  probabh  to 
tell  him  about  her  life  in  Barcelona,  since  in  realit\ 
they  had  little  to  say  to  each  other,  nor  did  she 
understand  her  son  very  well,  either.  These  letters, 
boxes  and  boxes  of  them  preserved  in  the-  Musee 
Picasso,  are  not  accessible  to  the  public,  even  to  a 
privileged  public,  but  onl)  to  Picasso's  heirs.  Thus, 
on  the  bedroom  wall  of  Mane  Therese's  daughtei 


URIC. I  III     It  \l  K      H7 


Maya  is  a  photocopied  and  enlarged  extract  from 
a  letter  dating  from  when  Picasso  was  settling  in 
Paris.  His  mother,  naively,  longs  for  the  time  when 
"he  used  to  come  and  say  goodnight  to  her  in  her 
room"  after  having  run  around  town  chasing  girls 
until  the  wee  hours.  This  comment  recalls  Proust's 
Narrator's  good-night  kiss  from  his  mother,  but 
upside-down.'"  Did  she  ask  him  to  tell  her  about  his 
escapades  and  love  affairs,  in  order  to  erase  them? 
She  was  a  "good-enough  mother"  but  intrusive."' 
In  any  case,  she  did  not  let  go  of  her  son  (cf.  the 
"octopuses"),  who  loved  her  passionately,  but  often 
hated  her  (the  one  does  not  go  without  the  other, 
and  it  is  not  for  nothing  that  "passion"  means 
passionate  love  as  well  as  the  Passion  of  Christ). 

Picasso,  like  Hermann  Broch's  Virgil  and  like 
Apollinaire,  always  somehow  lived  in  what  Broch, 
following  the  Goethe  of  the  second  part  of  Faust, 
called  "the  kingdom,"  "the  intermediate  space  of 
the  Mothers":  "Oh!  the  weakness  of  the  mother, 
who  is  only  birth  and  knows  nothing  about  re-birth, 
who  doesn't  want  to  know  anything  about  it."41  This 
kingdom  is  that  of  art,  and  poetry.  But  there  has  to 
be  a  father  who  keeps  one  from  languishing  there, 
from  wallowing  there  in  a  dream,  without  doing 
anything,  without  being  reborn.  And  Picasso  had 
had  the  good  luck  to  have,  on  and  off,  a  good 
father,  who  let  him  develop  the  necessary  distance 
for  transforming  his  fascinated,  voyeur's  eyes  into 
X-ray  eyes,  a  seer's  eyes.  For  a  "seer"  also  makes 
use  of  projection,  and  even  projective  identification. 

In  Guernica,  it  is  his  mother  that  Picasso  "sees"  in 
the  form  of  Marie-Therese,  weeping  over  the  still- 
unborn  baby  of  the  earthquake;  and  then,  on  1  July 
1937,  he  throws  himself  into  his  great  Weeping 
Woman  (fig.  3,  cat.  no.  9),  which  he  will  work 
through  in  seven  states  (the  number  seven  was 
always  magical  for  Picasso).'"  Hieratic,  tragic,  digni- 
fied, she  is  a  mater  dolorosa,  so  typical  of  Spanish 
painting  and  sculpture,  including  her  tears.  Yes, 
Picasso  told  Malraux,  it  was  Dora  Maar,  adding 
that  he  "felt"  that  "women  are  machines  for  suffer- 
ing."" Poor  Dora  Maar's  tears  and  these  "machines 
for  suffering"  have  caused  much  ink  to  flow,  espe- 
cially among  feminists.  However,  here  we  have  a 
hodgepodge  of  images:  Mary  Magdalen,  the  only 


woman  described  weeping  at  Christ's  feet;  the 
tale  of  the  Italian  statuette  in  plaster  of  pans  that 
Picasso's  father  had  "broken"  in  order  to  give  her  a 
veil,  and,  as  tears,  glass  pearls,  thus  "Hispanicizing" 
her  in  the  very  manner  that  his  son  would  later 
practice  in  his  art;  in  addition,  his  mother  had 
written  him  that  her  face  was  covered  with  soot 
and  her  eyes  weeping  and  full  of  tears  because  of 
the  convents  and  churches  that  were  burning  in 
Barcelona.44  In  the  sixth  state,  Picasso  darkened, 
"covered  with  soot"  his  Weeping  Woman's  face, 
then  he  "cleaned  it  up"  in  the  seventh  state,  work- 
ing with  his  scraper  on  the  dense  drypoint  lines  as 
if  in  a  mezzotint,  and  bringing  out  the  modeling  of 
the  eyes,  the  cheekbones,  and  the  tears.  Picasso's 
mother  had  then  taken  vows  that  gave  her  admis- 
sion to  a  sort  of  lay  sisterhood  (as  is  done,  or  was, 
in  Spain,  among  bourgeois  or  noble  women). 
These  women  continued  to  lead  secular  lives  but 


Pablo  1'icasso,  Weeping  Woman,  1  July  1937,  stale  VII.  Etching, 
aquatint,  drypoint,  scraper  on  copper  on  paper,  27  '/.  in.  x  [9     in 
(69.2  x  t!)..r)  cm).  Cat.  no.  9. 


88      WIIKRK  DO  THEY  COME  FROM? 


were  buried  in  the  habits  of  the  orders  they  had 
chosen.  It  is  well  known  how  the  Republicans 
lined  up  skeletons  of  nuns  in  open  coffins  on  the 
steps  of  the  convents  in  Barcelona  (the  Spanish 
Republicans  were  not  fond  of  the  clergy,  and  for 
good  reason,  but  went  a  little  too  far).  In  the  panic 
of  the  civil  war,  Picasso's  mother,  a  very  old  lady 
at  the  time,  must  have  dreaded  to  imagine  herself 
thus  violated  in  her  eternal  repose,  and  she  must 
have  written  about  it  to  her  son  in  a  tearful  letter. 
Finally,  the  Museo  Nazionale  Romano  has  a 
Greco-Roman  head  of  Medusa  with  closed  eyes 
(fig.  4),  which  Picasso  probably  never  saw  when  he 
was  there  in  1917.  The  woman,  shown  in  profile, 
the  snakes  represented  by  lovely  wavy  hair,  is  very 
beautiful.  A  close  look  reveals,  under  these  eyes 
hollowed  out  by  death,  the  cheek  creased  by  tears. 
So  the  dying  Medusa  had  wept  like  a  female  deer; 
at  least  the  Greco-Roman  sculptor  thought  so. 


Greco  Roman,  Head  oj Medusa.  stone  Museo  Nazionale  Romano,  Rome 


And  win  not  a  passionate  dreamer  like  Vn  asso? 
For  him,  his  mother      and  thus  all  women      was 
somehow  part  Medusa,  and  in  his  boyish  fits  oi 
exasperation  and  fury,  he  must  have  killed  her 
phantasmaticalK \  like  any  child  who  was  even  a 
little  bit  sensitive,  or  nervous  as  the)  said  then.  M\ 
last  spice  added  to  the  sauce  of  the  Weeping  Woman 
is  purely  imaginative,  but  it  might  finish  the  dish. 

The  two  little  Weeping  Women  of  4 Julv  1!)37 
(cat.  nos.  10-11)'   are  already  no  longer  dignified, 
mourning  figures,  but  rather  women  in  fits  of  Ins 
terical  rage  and  suffering  who  shred  their  handker- 
chiefs with  their  teeth.  It  is  they  who  we  encounter 
again  in  the  drawings  after  Guernica,  up  until 
October.  The  images  are  of  Medusa,  or  rather  the 
Erinyes,  which  amounts  more  or  less  to  the  same 
thing,  except  in  time:  one  comes  before,  and  the 
others  after  the  murder,  realized  or  dreamed, 
which  are  nearly  equivalent  in  the  guilt  ot  the  child 
who  continues  to  live  in  each  of  us. 

On  13  January  1939,  Picasso's  mother  realK 
died.  Very  old,  she  still  had  been  quite  active. 
During  the  taking  of  Barcelona,  which  was  still 
bloodier  than  the  fighting  of  1936,  she  was  magis- 
terially directing  a  house  full  of  children,  including 
her  own  grandchildren  and  probablv  others  as 
well.  Like  a  proper  nineteenth-century  Spanish 
woman,  that  day  she  was  getting  dressed  at  dawn 
behind  the  door  of  the  armoire  (the  children  all 
slept  in  her  bedroom).  She  probably  lost  her  bal- 
ance while  putting  on  her  skirt,  fell,  broke  her 
spine,  and  died  a  few  hours  later.  It  was  clearly 
impossible  for  Picasso  to  go  to  Barcelona.  He  had 
to  visualize  the  abstract  event  of  a  distant  death. 
Probably  without  knowing  what  he  was  doing,  he 
nevertheless  did  it.  The  offspring  was  the  Woman 
with  a  Tambourine,  from  the  second  half  of  January 
(figs.  5-6,  cat.  nos.  25-26)**  and  the  two  works 
entitled  Woman  in  an  Armchair,  one  done  on  19 
April  and  the  other  a  little  later  on  an  undated 
copper  plate.'  The  physical  effort  required  b) 
working  on  copper  —  and  probably  the  friendl) 
atmosphere  of  the  Lacouriere  workshop  -  allowed 
him  more  easil)  to  "evacuate,"  to  root  out  an 
anxiet)  of  which  he  probabh   knew  nothing 
except  a  sense  of  oppression  -  one  might  almost 


BRIOII II    BAKR      89 


Pablo  Picasso,  Woman  with  a  Tambourine,  January  1939,  state  I. 
Aquatint  and  scraper  on  copper  on  paper,  25  %  x  20  in.  (65.8  x  51  cm) 
Cat.  no.  25. 


Pablo  Picasso,  Woman  with  a  Tambourine,  January  1939,  state  V(B). 
Aquatint  and  scraper  on  copper  on  paper,  25  %  x  20  in.  (65.8  x  51  cm) 
Cat.  no.  26. 


say  a  sense  of  "occupation"  in  the  sense  in  which 
France  was  "occupied." 

What  is  interesting  in  the  Woman  with  a 
Tambourine  is  that  she  does  not  become  beautiful 
and  balanced  (the  woman  and  the  composition) 
until  the  fifth  state,  or  at  least  the  fourth.  The  first 
state  is  a  riddle.  The  figure  has  the  upper  body  of  a 
bacchante,  but  her  lower  body  shows  the  unstable 
equilibrium  that  makes  one  think  of  the  quest 
for  balance  in  bathers  and  dancers  by  Degas.48 
Picasso's  source  was  a  monotype  reworked  by 
Degas  with  pastel  (whence,  perhaps,  Picasso's 
broad,  furious  lines  grained  with  aquatint,  which 
resemble  pastel  in  the  first  state):  After  the  Bath1'' 
(fig.  7).  The  whole  lower  part  of  the  body,  the 
dropped  hand,  the  shadows,  the  phantom  of  the 
chair,  the  curtain,  the  hunched  back,  the  shape  of 
the  breast  in  profile,  and  the  buttocks  are  all  there. 
Of  course,  the  woman  is  reversed  by  printing  from 
the  copper  plate,  and  moreover  she  is  seen  from 


the  front  and  not  from  the  back,  but  such  emenda- 
tions are  common  in  Picasso.  If  one  adds  to  this  the 
foot  flattened  out  by  the  quest  for  balance,  frequent 
in  Degas's  dancers,  our  maenad  also  begins  by 
being,  referentially,  a  "Woman  at  her  Toilette,"  but 
one  that  cannot  (without  the  support  of  the  back  of 
the  chair  in  the  Degas)  keep  her  balance,  which  is 
rare  for  Picasso.  Moreover,  he  persists,  through 
relentless  work  (adding  scrapings  and  aquatint), 
in  keeping  her  in  this  crazy  position  for  two  addi- 
tional states.  Then,  in  the  fourth  state,  he  gives  up 
and  borrows  from  Poussin,  that  master  of  balance, 
the  thrown-back  leg  of  the  bacchante  in  his 
Bacchanal  before  a  Herm  in  the  National  Gallery  in 
London  (fig.  8).  Poussin's  maenad  functions  very 
well  here,  the  hand  holding  the  bunch  of  grapes 
becoming  the  lowered  hand  in  the  etching,  the 
flying  hair  corresponding  to  the  bacchante's  wild 
locks.  Time  had  gone  by,  and  Barcelona  had  per- 
haps already  fallen.  In  any  case,  Picasso's  bacchante 


90     WHERE  DO  THEY  COME  FROM? 


became  the  evocation  (according  to  Picasso)  of  the 
fighting  in  the  streets,  and  hand-to-hand  combat. 
And  yet,  Degas  remains:  Picasso's  bold  stroke, 
scraping  out  the  thrown-back  leg  of  his  figure 
crudely  and  furiously  against  the  background  of 
aquatint,  corresponds  exactly  to  the  way  in  which 
Degas  worked  with  a  rag  out  of  an  inked  back- 
ground on  his  "dark"  monotypes. 

But  why  did  Picasso  persist  in  trying  to  make 
this  woman,  who  can  only  fall,  stand  up?  Certainly, 
it  was,  unconsciously,  because  of  the  way  in  which 
his  mother  died. "  As  for  the  bacchante,  she  is  once 
again  a  young,  joyous  evocation  of  his  mother, 
dancing  for  her  fascinated  firstborn  son  who  will 
ever  after  be  obsessed  bv  the  fact  that  she  had 


daiucd  this  dance  of  love/death  (according  to 
Picasso\  private  mythology)  with/for  anothei  pei 
son,  his  father,  an  act  that  "dismembered"  Picasso 
psychologically,  like  Pentheus.  Ilou  much  pain 
exists  in  all  that,  but  what  a  beautiful  image! 

Then  there  were  also  the  two  sad  and  smistci 
women  in  an  armchair   figs.  9-10).     The  first  is  the 
before  and  the  other  the  after.    The  first  from   1!> 
April  shows  us  a  heavy  woman  who  nonetheless 
somewhat  resembles  Dora  Maar  (always  the 
Proustian  mixture  of  two  persons),  sadly  pensive, 
horrified  b\  what  is  happening  in  the  street,  wor- 
ried about  "the  children,"  but  keeping  her  feet  on 
the  ground,  in  the  true  sense  of  the  word  (fig.  9). 
The  second,  which  Picasso  labored  over,  going 
through  six  states,  begins  by  being  phantomlike, 
then,  through  scraping  and  burin  work,  takes  on  a 
ravaged,  terrifying  face  (fig.  10).  Her  hands  cling  to 
the  arms  of  the  chair  but  her  legs  hang  in  front;  she 
seems  not  to  have  anv  control  over  her  feet,  which 


Edgar  Degas,  After  the  Bath,  ca    1883-84   Pastel  on  monotype,  20     ■  I.' 

in.    ~<l  ■   iJ  i  in    Private  i  ollet  Son 


Nicolas  Poussin,  Baa luinal  before  a  Hum  detail  '  >il  on 

canvas,  in     l'111  ■  142.6  cm     [Tie  National  Gallery,  London 


HRK.II  II    11  \l  K      'M 


drag  on  the  floor,  showing  the  soles  of  her  shoes. 
Probably  Picasso  had  learned  or  imagined  that 
when  his  mother  fell,  they  had  carried  her  in  an 
armchair,  and  she  must  have  lost  the  use  of  her 
legs  because  her  back  was  broken.  "Old  age  and 
death,"  is  how  Picasso  described  the  meaning  of 
the  chair.  But  additionally,  the  most  simplistic 
interpretation  of  dreams  assumes,  rightly,  that  a 
woman  in  an  armchair  is  a  woman  in  the  arms  of 
a  man.  So  we  come  back  to  it  again,  to  the  fantasy 
of  love/struggle  to  the  death,  since  this  broken 
woman  is  dying. 

A  period  of  not  thinking  about  his  mother's 
death  followed.  Picasso  was  very  busy  with 
the  "total  book"  he  and  Vollard  had  planned, 
and  political  events  were  moving  quickly.  It 
is  only  in  the  relative  calm  of  Royan  that  he 


begins,  in  September  1939,  to  mourn  her. 

From  this  point  of  view,  the  first  Royan  sketch- 
book is  extremely  instructive. '"  The  Erinyes  are 
beginning  to  harass  the  son  who  had,  as  a  child, 
committed  matricide  in  his  head  or  at  least  in  his 
angry  heart.  'A  The  reason  is  given  by  the  work 
alluded  to  in  Picasso's  drawing,'4  Goya's  Dream  of 
Lies  and  Inconstancy  (figs.  11-12);  "  the  inconstancy 
and  lies  of  the  mother  who  returned  to  the  father 
and  who  loved  other  children,  and  the  inconstancy 
of  the  son  who  has  led  his  own  life  and  loved 
other  women.  There  is  also  the  inconstancy  of  the 
mother  ''  who  is  already  the  great  Woman  Dressing 
Her  Hair  of  June  1940  (see  page  22,  fig.  8),57  con- 
cerned only  with  herself  and  her  beauty  (a  theme 
recurrent  in  Picasso),  but  not  with  her  son. 

Finally,  we  have  the  cruelty  and  possessiveness 


I  H,   9  [above] 

Pablo  l'icasso,  Woman  in  an  Armchair,  19  April  1939,  state  II.  Etching, 
aquatint,  scraper,  and  burin  on  copper  on  paper,  1 1  'Me  x  9  %  in. 
(29.8  x  23.7  cm).  Musee  Pit  .isso.  Pans.  M.P.  2809. 

FIG     10  |right| 

Pablo  Picasso,  Woman  in  an  Armchair,  January-June  1939,  state  VI. 

1.1  <  lung,  .ii|ii.iliiil.  m  i.i  |  ii  i .  .mil  1  hi  i  m  on  i  opper  on  paper,  13  '/<  x  8 '/i  in. 
3  1.2  x  22.2  cm).  Musee  Picasso,  Paris.  M.P.  28 13. 


92      WHERE  DO  THEY  COME  FROM? 


Pablo  Picasso,  Sketch  qfNudes,  Octobei  1939.  Pencil  on  paper,  8     ■  6      in 
(21.7  x  17  cm).  Musee  Picasso,  Paris.  Ml'  1990  1 1 1,  folio  96R. 


Francisco  de  Goya,  Dream  oj  Lies  and  Inconstancy,  from  l.m  Caprichos, 
1797-98.  Etching  and  uqualinl  on  paper.  7       ■    I        in.    IS-    12  cm 


of  the  mother,  who  visibly  intrudes,  as  seen  in 
a  series  of  drawings  from  the  same  Royan 
sketchbook  (figs.  13-15;  see  also  page  24,  fig.  11). 'K 
It  is  a  real,  everyday,  banal  scene,  like  the  one  in 
Proust  where  Francoise  kills  a  chicken,  screaming 
"filthy  beast!"'"  But,  why  did  the  writer  and  the 
artist  chose  these  scenes  from  among  countless 
others?  The  first  image  is  anecdotal.  In  the 
kitchen  (buffet,  radio),  the  maid  is  seated  on  the 
inevitable  chair,  her  shoulders  covered  with  a 
little  crocheted  shawl  and  a  hat  on  her  head 
(women  wore  hats  at  that  time,  and  all  during  the 
Occupation).  She  holds  on  her  lap,  on  a  newspa- 
per, one  of  the  sheep's  heads,  skinned  but  whole 
(eyes,  gory  ilesh,  and  all),  that  Picasso  used  to  give 
to  his  Afghan  hound,  Kazbek.  He  painted  these 


heads  at  least  twice  in  that  period,  red  and  bloody. 

The  second  image  is  savage  (fig.  14).  A  hand 
thrusts  a  cutlass  into  the  head,  which  has  to  be  t  in 
up.  Then  the  woman  loses  her  own  identity  (her 
head)  (see  page  24,  fig.  11),  but  she  holds  the 
blood-soaked  sheep's  head  in  a  way  that  sends  a 
chill  down  the  spine  -  from  underneath,  with  two 
of  her  fat  fingers  sticking  out,  one  from  the  eye 
socket  and  the  other  from  the  mouth    fig.  15  .  A 
drawing  of  the  hands  alone  makes  clear  this  posi 
tion  of  the  right  hand.  This  woman  with  her  "man 
tel"  is  at  the  same  time  a  Virgin  with  Child  and  a 
Pieta  holding  Christ's  dead  bodv  on  her  lap.  It  is 
a  nightmarish  image,  which  nonetheless  will  not 
be  followed  by  an  exact  picture,60  but  rather  b) 
women  death's  heads,  women  sheep's  heads.  In 


RRICII  11    HAl  R      93 


Picasso's  own  case  it  was  the  mother  who  was 
dead,  but  the  son,  as  a  result,  felt  himself  to  be  half- 
dead,  and  also,  in  fantasies,  the  roles  are  often 
reversed.  The  fingers  traversing  the  brain  and 
putting  out  the  eye  are  a  clear  sign  that  as  a  child 
this  man  had  felt  his  mother  to  be  intruding. 

Who  had  killed  whom  in  that  lovemaking/ fight? 
The  artist's  mourning  had  begun  -  who  knows 
why?  -  without  his  ever  thinking  about  it,  but  with 
extreme  violence.  It  was  to  endure,  in  its  Erinyes 
phase1,1  —  and  the  Erinyes  all  became  women 
painted,  usually  in  an  armchair,  whether  one  sees 
it  or  not-  until  one  finds  the  sheep  once  again,  but 
alive  and  cuddled  by  a  bearded  shepherd-father  in 
the  drawings  for  Man  with  a  Lamb  in  July  1942.  It 
is  the  lost  lamb,  but  found  again. 62 

There  are  few  men  in  the  work  done  between 
the  Garbage  Man  of  January  1940'''  and  the  early 
studies  for  Man  with  a  Lamb  (beginning  14  July 
1942).  The  Garbage  Man  seems  to  be  a  pious  hope; 
he  disposes  of  garbage,  from  which,  however— 
Picasso's  sculpture  shows  this— good  things  may  be 
salvaged.  As  for  Man  with  a  Lamb  (cat.  no.  66),  he  is 
at  once  the  father  (he  often  has  a  beard)  who  saves 
the  son  (the  Malaga  earthquake),  and  the  son  to 
whom  the  mother  has  entrusted  the  lamb  and  thus 
life,  the  Son  who  is  "the  Resurrection  and  the  Life," 


FIG    li  [above  left] 

Pablo  Picasso,  Sketch  of  a  Woman  Holding  a  Sheep's  Skull,  October  1939. 
Pencil  on  paper,  8  '/<  x  6"/n  in.  (21.7  x  17  cm).  Musee  Picasso,  Paris. 
M.P.  1990-111,  folio  49R. 

FIG-  1-t  [above  right] 

Pablo  Picasso,  Sketch  of  a  Sheep's  Skull.  Oclober  1939,  Pencil  on  paper, 

S'i  x  <i"/„.  in.  (21.7  x  17  cm).  Musee  Picasso,  Paris.  M.P.  1990-111,  folio  50R. 

FIG    1 5  [bo ii  ugliil 

Pablo  Picasso,  Sketch  of  a  Sheep's  Skull,  October  \'XM).  Pencil  on  paper, 

8 14  x  6  "/„,  in.  (21.7  x  17  cm).  Musee  Picasso,  Paris.  M.P.  1990- 1 1 1,  folio  53R. 


94     WIIKRK  DO  THKY  COME  FROM? 


in  short  the  "rebirth"  of  Hermann  Broch's  Virgil 
Mourning,  Picasso's  war,  is  coming  to  an  end. 

As  usual,  all  this  begins  in  the  prints,  in  particu- 
lar the  forgiveness  —  Picasso  forgiving  his  mother, 
and  forgiving  also  Lola,  his  sister,  for  having  been 
born  and  for  having  been,  in  fact  if  not  in  truth,  the 
child  and  then  the  adult  to  whom  the  mother  paid 
the  most  attention,  to  whom  she  was  the  closest.  It 
is  of  interest  that  the  print  that  I  have  called,  for 
lack  of  a  better  name,  Paris,  14 July  1(>42  (fig.  1(>, 
cat.  nos.  ")7-.")8), "  which  is  more  a  document  than  a 
marvel,  shows  us  a  whole  group,  a  family  bearing 
various  kinds  of  food,  doves,  eggs,  fish,  and  bread. 
A  little  girl  leads  a  goat  and  a  very  old  lad)',  who 
except  for  her  small  size  in  no  way  looks  like  the 
artist's  mother,  carries  a  lamb  rolled  up  in  her 
shawl.  They  seem  to  be  bringing  all  this  to  the 
man  with  flowers,  bearded  like  the  man  with  a 
lamb,  who  is  wearing  shorts  (as  Picasso  often  also 
did),  and  whose  left  hand  supports  a  dish  that 
resembles  a  palette. 

Brassai  recounts  that  a  proof  of  this  print  was 
displayed  in  the  rue  des  Grands- Augustins  and  that 
Jaime  Sabartes  had  told  him  it  was  the  beginning  of 
Man  with  a  Lamb.' '  The  man,  he  said,  is  going  to  take 
the  lamb  from  the  arms  of  the  old  woman  and  keep 
it.  And  in  fact  the  first  sketches  for  the  great  sculp- 
ture were  made  on  15  July.  This  was  the  darkest 


time  in  the  w  ar  and  the  ( )c  c  upation.  But  l'u  asso 
had  more  or  less  buried  his  Erinyes,  .md  the 
benevolent  Eumenides  could  replace  them,  or 
rather,  the  former  could  be  transformed  into  the 
latter.    Perhaps  he  simply  had  rediscovered  among 
his  papers  the  photograph  that  was  latei  returned 
to  the"  Vilato  family  (into  which  Lola  had  married 
by  the  Musee  Picasso  (fig.  17).'    It  represents  the 
artist's  mother  at  the  age  of  eight),  visiting  the 
Tibidabo  fun  fair  around  1935-36,  with  the  whole 
Vilato  family  of  parents  and  children.  The  group's 
rhythm  is  comparable  to  that  of  the  group  in  the 
print  but  without  the  food.  The  little  girl  in  the 
photograph  wears  a  huge  straw  hat  but  does  not 
carry  a  plate  (or  a  hat)  full  of  flowers;  the  woman 
with  the  doves  in  the  print  has  a  mass  of  long  hair 
that  frames  her  face  as  Lola's  hat  frames  hers,  at 
the  right  in  the  photo;  and  (according  to  Xavier 
Vilato)  some  members  of  the  family  are  more 
recognizable  in  that  print  than  in  the  photograph, 
although  disguised.  From  this  point,  the  Good 
Shepherd  can  arrive,  and  as  well  the  mother  of  the 
First  Steps  (cat.  no.  67)  (i.e.,  the  print  seems  to  be  a 
source  of  the  figure  of  Man  with  a  Lamb  and  of  a 
meaning  of  tenderness  and  generosity  in  First  Steps). 

But  before  we  come  to  that  point,  we  must 
consider  Picasso's  war-women,  who  are  sinister, 
hard,  rigid,  malevolent,  sly,  and  ferocious.  They 


■ 


Pablo  Picasso,  Paris,  UJuly  1942,  14 Julj  1942,  state  \    positive 
Etching,  scraper,  and  burin  on  coppei  on  paper,  \~     ■  25     in. 
64.1  ( m.  Cat  nu  57. 


Picasso's  mothei    second  from  lefl   with  the  \  ilato  famil)  .a  .>  I 
Tibidabo,  Barcelona,  ca    1935    16  Picasso's  sister,  Lola  Vilato,  stands 
,ii  the  I. ii  right 


HKIC.ll  II    BAKR     95 


look  one  straight  in  the  eyes  (a  raking  gaze  in  these 
faces  distorted  by  the  paintbrush).  They  snigger 
cruelly.  They  are  spies,  informers,  birds  of  prey, 
with  stiff  crow  feathers  in  their  hats.  Picasso  pro- 
jects on  them  almost  all  the  bad  feelings  that  come 
to  him  en  masse  in  the  first  years  of  mourning,  and 
in  the  mourning  for  a  mother  who  was  loved  too 
much  yet  at  the  same  time  hated  for  making  her 
little  child  suffer  and  be  angry  at  her,  mortally 
angry.  He  had  suffered  a  thousand  deaths  and  had 
hated  to  death.  All  bad  memories  must  be  expelled 
so  that  the  good  ones  can  finally  surface  —Erinyes 
and  then  Eumenides. 

One  has  only  to  look  at  these  women-of-war: 
women  in  armchairs  (real  or  virtual),  women  who 
suffer  and  who  cause  others  to  suffer  -  the  hard- 
ness of  the  woman  in  a  greenish  yellow  that  sets 
teeth  on  edge,  with  her  bloody  lips  (cat.  no.  56);''s 
the  stiff,  falsely  resigned  look  of  the  other,  gray  and 
blue,  with  a  cardboard  flower  in  her  hat,  and  once 
again,  that  bloody  mouth  (cat.  no.  44)  ;M  another 
one,  from  5  June  1941,  who  looks  as  though  she 
had  been  crushed  by  a  steamroller;  "  the  sort  of 
human  beast,  from  13  June  1941,  all  dressed  up, 
with  an  enormous  phallic  nose  and  a  ridiculous 
little  hat;71  the  sinister  one,  all  white  and  gray,  fat, 
shapeless,  with  her  malevolent  proud  smile,  from 
1  August  1941.7'  And  already,  by  16  October  1939, 
a  weeping  woman  exists  with  potatolike  face.71 

One  might  mention  any  number  of  others, 
these  superb  paintings  of  horrible  and  malevolent 
women,  but  the  worst  are  the  ones  from  26  June 
and  27  July  1941  (figs.  18-19).74  The  first,  who  is 
squinting  (cf.  the  leucoma  on  the  eye  of  the  1903 
Celestine),  looks  at  you  with  a  false  and  gluttonous 
smile.  The  other,  with  a  grotesque  basket  of  flowers 
on  her  head,  looks  at  you  obliquely,  out  of  the 
corner  of  her  eye,  ready  to  denounce.  She  is 
wickedness  itself. 

Poor  Picasso!  No  doubt  he  was  a  little  bit 
paranoid  during  those  years!  But  what  beautiful 
paintings  he  made  out  of  that  real  but  imagined 
persecution.  There  is  also  the  new  version  of 
Ingres's  Odalisque  with  Slave,  which  had  been  lov- 
ingly rendered  in  drypoint  in  1933  (Flute-player  and 
Sleeping  Woman7),  and  who  reappears  in  a  jail-like 


Pablo  Picasso,  Seated  Woman  with  a  Hat,  26June  1941.  Oil  on  canvas, 

28(/i  x  23  in.  (73  x  58.4  cm).  Private  collection.  Courtesy  Cahiers  d'Art,  Paris. 


and  angular  guise  in  L'Aubade  (see  page  30,  fig.  16), 
where  we  find  the  doubled  woman,  one  dreaming 
and  one  thinking  about  making  love  (the  musi- 
cian). But  in  this  state  of  persecution,  suffering,  and 
deformation,  is  sex  really  a  possibility? 

Even  the  magnificent  Still  Life  with  Blood  Sausage 
(cat.  no.  42)  speaks  of  persecution.'1'  There  is  noth- 
ing "dead"  about  it  except  the  conventional  word 
in  the  title  (nature  morte).  In  reality,  it  is  probably 
the  only  self-portrait  painted  during  that  period, 
perhaps  made  when  thinking  about  the  about-to- 
be-shot  Christ  figure  in  Third  of  May,  1808,  because 
of  the  similarity  between  the  triangular  light  that 
here  escapes  from  the  suspended  bulb  and  the 
one  that  lit,  triangularly,  Goya's  man  with  his  out- 
stretched arms.  In  any  case,  it  is  an  inner  portrait 
of  Picasso's  fantasies  and  anxieties,  which  may  be 
indicated  by  the  monochromatic,  grayish  brown 
color  scheme.  But  in  this  portrait  the  mother  is 
a  participant,  so  that  it  is  more  a  portrait  of  their 
relation  to  each  other,  as  was  present  in  the  psyof 


96     WIIKRK  DO  THEY  COME  FROM? 


FIG    19 

Pablo  Picasso,  Sealed  Woman  with  a  Hal.  27 Jul)   1941.  ( )il  on  ( anvas, 

28  .  in.  (!>2.1  x  73  cm).  Private  collection.  Courtes)  Cahiers  d'An.  Pans 


the  artist  on  10  May  1941.  The  subject  has  nothing 
to  do  with  shortages  and  restrictions.  It  offers,  in 
wartime,  a  feast  fit  for  kings,  centered  on  a 
kitchen  table.  For  Picasso,  everything  happens  in 
the  kitchen,  the  place  where  one  lives  (see  The 
Charnel  House,  cat  no.  82).  These  yards  of  rolled-up 
blood  sausage  are,  of  course,  an  allusion  to  the 
maternal  belly,  the  sausage  being  a  pig's  intestine 
that  has  been  washed  clean,  filled  with  blood,  and 
boiled.    The  two  artichokes  allude  to  the  hearts 
(as  in  "artichoke  hearts")  of  the  mother,  who  loved 
other  people,  and  the  son,  who  did  not  remain 
eternally  faithful  to  his  mother.  The  drawer  with  its 
knives  and  forks  is  clearly  a  mouth  full  of  devour- 
ing teeth,  the  baby's  teeth  chewing  on  the  breast. 

Who  has  ever  thought  of  arranging  these  instru- 
ments this  way  in  a  drawer?  It  is  contrary  to  simple 
good  sense.  The  cutlass,  to  cut  the  sausage,  and 
if  possible  the  umbilical  cord,  is  still  there,  not 
yet  used.  The  wedge  of  camembert,  a  sixth  of  the 
whole,  may  allude  to  the  prediction  Max  Jacob 


made  to  Picasso:  decline  at  age  sixty,  death  al  sixt) 
eight  (in  1941,  he  was  precisel)  si\t\  years  old). 
The  newspaper,  moreover,  i*-  necessarily  lull  of 
bad  news  in  1941;  it  is  in  the  obituary  column  that 
deaths  are  announced,  including  that  of  his  mother, 
and  soon  his  own.  As  for  the  bottle  of  white  wine 
(Picasso  drank  only  water),  it  contains  a  liquid, 
but  what?  Milk?  Or  perhaps  the  vinegar  that  was 
offered  to  Christ  when  he  was  thirst)  ?  Lastly,  in 
the  center  of  the  "belly"  of  the  roll  of  sausage,  there 
is  something  bizarre,  a  small  triangular  vessel  con 
taining  three  kinds  of  marbles  that  form  something 
like  an  ace  of  clubs  -  the  triangulation  of  lather, 
mother,  and  child,  the  "seeds"  that  we  find  in  the 
middle  of  the  open  belly  of  the  Small  Pregnant 
Woman  from  1948. 7K  A  superb  painting,  one  of  the 
most  eloquent  of  this  period,  it  is  hardlv  a  riddle. 

From  all  this  rubble,  Picasso  is  going  to  manage, 
in  1943,  to  reconstitute  an  effigy  of  his  mother:  a 
bronze  head  with  a  hairstyle  from  1900  (the  little 
bun  perched  high  up),  stuck  onto  a  dressmaker's 
wooden  dummy  from  the  era  of  corsets,  with  an 
arm  and  hand  from  the  Easter  Island,  a  gift  from 
Pierre  Loeb  and  one  of  the  artist's  treasures  (cat. 
no.  73).  All  this  is  put  together  in  such  a  way  that 
one  sees  the  "collage."7'1  As  a  joke,  Picasso  later  put 
a  painter's  smock  on  his  sculpture  and  attached  to 
its  hand  a  palette  and  brushes,  showing  in  this  way 
that  if  his  father  was  indeed  the  manner  of  his 
work,  it  was  his  mother  who  was  the  inspiration, 
through  The  Others  (women,  of  course).  Mourning, 
and  also  passion,  were  over,  and  the  art  was 
affected  by  it,  for  the  artist  always  did  his  best 
painting  only  when  he  was  in  a  crisis,  whatever 
it  was.  But  perhaps  after  1944  he  was  happier, 
because  he  was  more  indifferent,  more  cynical. 
The  passion,  and  the  Passion,  were  over  for  him. 
His  war  was  over.  He  was  no  longer  "occupied"! 
And  "there  was  fun  sometimes  in  Hell,  wasn't 
there?"  as  Kipling  puts  it  about  the  war  in  the 
trenches  in  1917." 


BRIG1TTK  BAF.R      97 


Circumventing  Picasso: 
Jean  Paulhan  and  His  Artists 


Michele  C.  Cone 


D, 


'uring  the  Occupation,  Georges 
Braque,  Jean  Fautrier,  Jean  Dubuffet, 
and  Chaim  Soutine  had  in  common  the  patronage 
of  Jean  Paulhan  (1884-1968),  one  of  the  few  figures 
of  the  Parisian  prewar  intellectual  community  to 
remain  influential  during  the  war  and  for  several 
years  afterwards.'  Paulhan  (fig.  1)  either  wrote 
about  these  artists,  proselytized  on  their  behalf, 
or  bought  their  work.  Unlike  the  Bleu  Blanc  Rouge 
painters,  who  thought  they  were  creating  a  non- 
decadent  avant-garde,  and  the  Between-the-Jew- 
and- the- Pompier  contingent  of  romantic  realists 
supported  by  the  anti-Semitic  critic  Lucien  Rebatet,2 
the  artists  that  Paulhan  admired  assumed  their 
"decadent"  vanguardism  despite  the  prevailing 
antidecadence  rhetoric  in  the  official  art  press. 

Although  the  subject  of  death  and  decay  was 
unwelcome  in  a  country  allegedly  going  through 
national  renovation  under  Marshal  Petain,  it 
frequently  appeared  in  the  work  of  Paulhan's 
favorites.  And,  at  a  moment  when  an  expressive 
matiere  denoted  decay,  decadence,  obscenity, 
and  Jewishness  in  art,  it  continued  to  be  used  by 
the  artists  who  interested  Paulhan.  However,  with 
respect  to  matiere  —  the  autonomous  language  of 
paint  and  of  other  materials  of  painting  -  Paulhan 


felt  that  his  artists  also  parted  from  Picasso. 
"'[Matiere]  is  in  Rembrandt  (not  in  Bosch):  it  is  in 
Soutine  or  Rouault  ...  It  is  in  Fautrier  ([but]  not  in 
Picasso  who  makes  admirable  colored  drawings. . . .)" 
Paulhan  wrote  to  Fautrier  in  1943. '  Put  in  more  flat- 
tering words,  whereas  in  Picasso's  wartime  skulls, 
death  often  has  the  look,  form,  and  feel  of  dry 
bones,  death  images  tend  to  be  spectral  in  Braque 
and  Dubuffet,  and  viscous  in  Fautrier  and  Soutine.' 

In  the  context  of  the  rampage  against  decadence 
by  Vichyites  and  collaborationist  critics,  and  of  the 
reverence  in  which  Picasso  was  held  by  enemies  of 
Vichy  and  of  the  Third  Reich,  Paulhan's  opinions 
revealed  a  singularly  independent  turn  of  mind. 
But  then,  Paulhan  was  used  to  assuming  difficult 
positions.  In  his  role  as  editor  of  the  prestigious 
Nouvelle  revue  francaise  (NRF),  which  he  took  over 
in  1925,  he  often  had  to  critique  the  writings  of 
famous  authors  who  thought  they  were  beyond 
reproach.  He  managed  to  remain  a  friend  of  the 
painter  Andre  Lhote  while  assailing  his  art.  On  the 
intellectual  plane,  Paulhan  fit  in  with  groups  that 
haled  each  other:  he  was  close  to  the  surrealists  in 
the  early  twenties  and  to  Georges  Bataille  and  his 
colleagues  of  the  College  de  Sociologie  in  the  late 
thirties.  During  the  Occupation,  \\v  contributed  to 


99 


Resistance  publications  while  also  playing  artistic 
mentor  to  Nazi  officials  stationed  in  Paris. 

Caught  in  the  unoccupied  zone  near  Carcassonne 
after  the  invasion  and  partition  of  France,  Paulhan  — 
who  had  been  associated  with  leftist  causes  —  had 
difficulty  obtaining  a  pass  to  return  to  occupied 
Paris.  The  negotiations  with  the  Vichy  government 
that  made  it  possible  for  him  to  return  home,  like 
those  which  enabled  so-called  degenerate  artists 
also  caught  in  the  unoccupied  zone  to  return  safely 
to  Paris  after  the  Armistice,  remain  something  of  a 
mystery.  A  French  official  at  the  prefecture,  Andre- 
Louis  Dubois,  has  taken  credit  for  "protecting" 
Picasso  during  the  Occupation. '  In  the  case  of 
vanguard  artists  who  were  French  nationals  and 
not  Jewish,  the  issue  of  degeneracy  turned  out  to 
be  more  serious  in  the  eyes  of  Vichyites  and 
French  critics  than  of  the  Nazis.  "Let  them  degen- 
erate if  they  want  to,  all  the  better  for  us,"  Hitler 
told  Albert  Speer  upon  hearing  that  there  was 
degenerate  art  on  view  at  the  1943  Paris  Salon 
d'Automne."  Early  on,  Pierre  Drieu  la  Rochelle, 
a  French  mouthpiece  for  the  Nazis  and  Paulhan's 
new  colleague  at  the  NRF,  had  exceptionally 
exonerated  Braque  from  the  onus  of  decadence 
in  the  cultural  weekly  Comoedia.7  "Your  Braque 
piece  in  Comoedia  is  excellent,"  was  how  Paulhan 
expressed  gratitude  to  the  man  who  made  it 
possible  for  Braque  to  work  in  peace." 

Braque  and  the  old-time  NRF  editor  had  met  in 
1935,  long  after  Paulhan  bought  his  first  Braque, 
a  1912  collage.  The  friendship  intensified  after  the 
Armistice  when  Paulhan  decided  to  write  his 
thoughts  on  Braque  for  publication,  and  started  to 
spend  many  hours  at  the  artist's  studio  watching  him 
work  and  hearing  him  talk.  The  first  version  of  what 
was  to  become  Braque  le  patron  came  out  in  Comoedia 
31  October  1942.'  "Am  I  still  a  friend  of  Picasso?  I 
wrote  on  Braque,"  Paulhan  answered  the  poet  Jean 
Grenier  who  had  queried  him  on  that  subject."1 

Meanwhile,  the  book  with  text  by  Paulhan 
and  lithographs  by  Braque  was  taking  shape  at 


[page  98] 

Pablo  l'n  .isso 

Girl  Asleep  at  a  Table  (Interieur  a  la  femme  endormie)  (detail) 

Ik  Decembei  L936.  Cat  no.  1. 


Jean  Dubuffet,  Portrait  of  Jean  Paulhan,  1945.  Ink  on  paper, 
14 %  x  127m,  in.  (38  x  32  cm).  Musee  des  Arts  Decoratifs, 
Paris.  Donation  Jean  Dubuffet. 


the  atelier  of  Fernand  Mourlot:  "I  will  always 
remember  seeing  Braque  during  the  Occupation 
arrive  at  the  atelier  rue  Chabrol  on  a  prehistoric 
bicycle;  he  was  magnificent,  an  impressive  stature, 
with  a  remarkable  head,  pale  eyes  and  white  hair," 
recalled  Mourlot  in  his  memoirs.11  Paulhan  came 
too,  to  look  things  over  and  to  correct  Braque's 
grammar,  for  in  the  initial  project  the  artist's 
thoughts  were  to  be  included  verbatim  at  the 
end  of  the  Paulhan  text.12 

Although  Braque  was  hardly  a  discovery  in 
1940,  Paulhan  befriended  the  famed  cubist  at  a 
critical  time  in  the  artist's  development  -  the  start 
of  a  new  phase  of  sometimes  monumentally  sized 
paintings  depicting  abruptly  cut-off  views  of 
painterly,  somewhat  abstract  interiors  with  still 
lifes  -  a  hairbrush,  washbowl,  and  water  jug  on  a 
table  in  The  Wash  Stand  { 1942-44;  The  Phillips 
Collection,  Washington,  D.C.);  a  grill,  a  fish,  a 
platter,  a  large  fork  and  sieve  on  a  kitchen  table  in 
Kitchen  Table  with  Grill  (1943-44;  private  collection, 
Switzerland);  a  coal  scuttle,  stove,  palette,  waste 
basket,  and  heavy  table  in  the  workplace  of  an 
artist  in  The  Stove  (fig.  2),  and  sometimes  the  black 
silhouettes  of  female  or  male  sitters  such  as  Patience 
(1942;  private  collection,  Geneva).  Paulhan  in  fact 


100      CIRCUMVENTING  PICASSO 


Georges  Braque,  The  Stove,  1942.  Oil  and  sand  on  canvas,  57     ■  34  in. 
14"). 7  ■  N(i  i(in    Yale  L'nivcrsit)  Art  Gallery,  New  Haven,  Connecticut 
Gift  of  Paul  Rosenberg  and  Company  in  memory  of  Paul  Rosenberg. 


became  the  owner  of  one  of  the  tall,  narrow 
kitchen  paintings  and  received  as  a  gift  one  of 
Braque's  still  lifes  with  black,  fish.  He  also  acquired 
a  sketch  of  an  interior  with  two  female  figures.1  In 
February  1942,  Paulhan  wrote  to  his  friend  the 
novelist  Marcel  Jouhandeau:  "Yesterday  [I  went  to] 
Braque.  His  latest  canvases  are  marvelous.  What 
serenity,  what  presence,  I  remain  enchanted."' 
Referred  to  as  examples  of  Braque's  "late  works" 


by  the  organizers  of  the  1997  exhibition  at 
the  Royal  Academy  in  London,  paintings 

by  this  artist  dating  from  alter  1938 
probably  influenced  the  works  ol  the  Bleu 
Blanc  Rouge  painters,  whose  first  group 
exhibition  took  place  in  early  1943. 

Similarities  with  the  work  of  Braque  are 
seen  in  the  penchant  of  Edouard  Pignon 
and  Maurice  Esteve  in  particular  for 
somewhat  abstract  interiors  with  a  plain 
still-life  motif  arranged  on  a  table,  the  per- 
vasively silent  mood,  the  occasional  view 
out  of  a  window  with  a  female  presence 
inside  the  room,  and  everything  compressed 
within  a  shallow  pictorial  space  (fig.  'A).  But 
the  1943  paintings  of  these  Bleu  Blanc  Rouge 
painters  are  more  conventional  in  subject 
matter  and  in  form. 

They  include  no  bathroom  parapher- 
nalia, no  camouflaged  "forms  which  have 
no  literal  meaning  whatsoever."1.  There  is 


Edouard  Pignon,  Seated  Woman  at  a  Table,  1942  Dimensions 
unknown  Former!}  [acques  Bazaine  Collection,  Paris 


MK'MELE  C.  CONE      101 


none  of  the  "metamorphic"  confusion  that  Braque 
said  was  fundamental  to  what  he  sought  to  express 
and  that  Paulhan  admired  in  art  and  poetry."' 
And,  they  display  a  far  less  painterly  matiere. 
Furthermore,  the  Bleu  Blanc  Rouge  painters'  use  of 
mostly  primary  colors  gives  their  paintings  cheerful 
connotations  totally  at  odds  with  Braque's  more 
muted  palette.  Indeed,  as  pointed  out  by  John 
Golding,  "whereas  the  earlier  paintings  [of  Braque] 
were  characterized  by  an  air  of  serenity  and  a 
quiet,  restrained  splendour,  [his]  wartime  pictures 
tend  to  be  austere,  at  times  even  tragic  in  their 
implications."17 

In  conveying  confinement,  the  cold  of  unheated 
interiors  in  the  winter,  the  heightened  importance 
of  food,  and  also  in  a  recourse  to  a  palette  domi- 
nated by  grays,  black,  dark  blues,  and  browns, 
paintings  by  Braque  are  closer  to  Picasso's  output 
during  the  same  years  than  to  the  Bleu  Blanc  Rouge 
painters.  But  in  the  treatment  of  the  death  image, 
Braque  and  Picasso  part  ways.  Like  Picasso,  Braque 
painted  a  number  of  skulls  during  the  Occupation 
years,  but  he  later  denied  their  symbolic  connota- 
tions, insisting  to  John  Richardson  that  what 
fascinated  him  in  painting  a  skull  next  to  a  rosary 
was  "the  tactile  quality  of  the  rosary  and  the 
formal  problems  of  mass  and  composition  posed 
by  the  skull."18 

There  is  indeed  a  striking  difference  in  the  skull 
image  by  Braque  and  by  Picasso.  For  one  thing, 
Braque  did  not  make  skull  sculptures,  but  only 


Georges  Braque,  Pitcher  and  Skull,  1943.  Oil  on  canvas,  18 1  x  28  %  in. 
Hi  >  73  cm).  Saarland  Museum,  Saarbriicken,  Germany. 


paintings  where  a  skull  form  is  present.  For  another, 
Braque's  painted  skulls  are  far  less  assertive  than 
Picasso's;  they  glance  to  the  side  rather  than  con- 
front the  viewer  directly,  and  they  have  a  ghostly, 
evanescent  quality,  not  the  dry  and  bony  texture  of 
skeletons  (figs.  4-5).  And  most  telling,  when  seen 
in  profile,  a  palette  image  can  transmute  into  both 
a  skull  and  an  amoeba  (The  Stove;  Large  Interior  with 
Palette  [1942;  The  Menil  Collection,  Houston]; 
Still  Life  with  Palette  [1943;  The  Saint  Louis  Art 
Museum]).  Thus,  rather  than  expressing  fear  of 
the  finality  of  death  or  insisting  on  a  dichotomy 
between  death  and  life,  these  works  suggest  that 
there  might  be  a  continuum  between  the  end  and 
the  beginning  of  life. 

Paulhan,  who  favored  Braque's  matiere  over 
Picasso's  and  who  liked  Braque  far  more  than  he 
did  Picasso  (Paulhan  and  Braque  apparently  shared 
an  interest  in  Tibetan  Buddhism),  wrote  of  his  pref- 
erence from  the  point  of  view  of  a  Frenchman  who 
believes  in  national  characteristics.  He  appreciated 
Braque's  lack  of  brashness  and  attributed  to  him  a 
typically  French  understanding  of  the  materials  of 
his  craft:  "Picasso  makes  so  much  noise  that  one 
loves  Braque  first  for  his  discretion,  then  for  his 
silence,  and  finally  because  one  imagines  that  he 
knows  so  much  more  than  the  other  .  .  .  ,"  he  wrote 
Jouhandeau  in  1932,  three  years  before  meeting 
Braque  in  person.1'1  He  reiterated  his  preference  to 
Jouhandeau  in  1939:  "The  Braques  are  remarkable 
...  It  greatly  surpasses  Picasso  ...  I  think  that  what 
I  like  in  him  [Braque]  ...  is  the  patience,  the  fine 
touch  of  the  French  artisan  .  .  .  One  is  never  more 
keenly  aware  of  the  Cocteau  side  of  Picasso  than  in 
front  of  a  Braque.""' 

In  1943,  the  Galerie  de  France  offered  an  apercu 
of  Braque's  early  works,  soon  after  which  twenty- 
two  recent  paintings  and  nine  pieces  of  sculpture 
were  featured  at  the  1943  Salon  d'Automne.  While 
the  Je  suis  partout  critic,  Lucien  Rebatet,  sneered  at 
"the  resurgence  of  an  old  world  that  clings  to  the 
debris  of  its  past,  both  anarchical  and  academic,"2 
positive  reports  on  visits  to  the  artist's  studio  filled 
the  pages  of  the  more  moderate  cultural  weekly 
Comoedia.  From  Marguerite  Bouvier  we  learn  that 
Braque  was  a  fanatic  of  the  Greek  author  Hesiod. 


102      CIRCUMVKNTING  PICASSO 


Pablo  Picasso,  Haul  nj  a  Hull  on  a  Table,  5  April  111  \1.  ( )il  on  i  .unas.  51      ■    <* 
(130  x  97  cm).  Kunslsammlung  Nordhrein-Westfalen,  Diisseldorf,  Germain. 


From  the  painter  Jean  Bazaine  (one  of  the  Bleu 
Blanc  Rouge  painters)  we  hear  that  Braque  liked 
comparing  himself  to  a  gardener  among  his  trees: 
"I  prune,  I  clip,  I  command.""  Braque  emerged 
from  the  war  untainted,  although  he  confided  to 
the  printmaker  Mourlot  that  he  might  have  gone 
on  the  propaganda  trip  organized  for  French  artists 
by  the  Nazis  "had  they  liked  his  paintings."- 

Overall,  the  Paris  to  which  Braque  and  many 
other  artists  returned  after  the  Armistice  had  a  very 
strange  atmosphere.  No  exhibition  could  open 
without  first  being  visited  by  a  Nazi  censor.  In 
galleries  and  in  museums,  art  by  Jewish  artists  was 
kept  definitelv  out  of  sight.  The  surrealists  were 


rarely  on  display,  cither.  New  names 
signed  the  columns  of  an  ar\  ani/.ed  ai  i 
press,  and  at  the  Nouvelle  revue  francaise, 
Paulhan  had  to  share  power  with  the 
pro-Nazi  appointee,  Drieu  la  Rochelle. 
The  gallery  scene  was  also  transformed. 
Paul  Rosenberg,  whose  gallery  had  rep 
resented  Braque,  had  left  for  the  United 
States.  Galleries  owned  by  Jews  were 
aryanized  -  handed  over  to  collabora- 
tionist owners,  or  fictitiously  sold  so 
that  the  true  owners  could  remain  silent 
partners.  Galerie  Louise  Leiris  owned 
by  Daniel-Henry  Kahnweiler  was  in 
that  category,  as  was  the  Galerie  Rene 
Drouin  owned  by  Leo  Castelli.  ' 

It  was  at  Galerie  Drouin  that  Jean 
Fautrier  was  launched  in  October- 
November  1943.  "I  convinced  Rene 
Drouin  to  give  Fautrier  a  major  exhi- 
bition," Paulhan  wrote  to  a  friend  on 
29  September  1943.  "He  [Drouin)  has, 
on  place  Vendome,  the  most  beautiful 
gallery  in  all  of  Paris."25  Paulhan 
took  many  friends  on  studio  visits  to 
Fautrier's  atelier  at  2  Hi,  boulevard 
Raspail,  including  resisters  and  collabo- 
rators, pro-  and  anti-Semites,  and  even 
the  Nazi  official,  Gerhard  Heller,  who 
would  remember  Paulhan  as  "my 
mentor  in  modern  art."'  Paulhan  wrote 
the  catalogue  essay  for  the  1943  Drouin 
exhibition,  the  first  version  of  a  longer  text  entitled 
Fautrier  I'enrage.11  He  also  published  an  article  on 
the  artist  in  Comoedia  (13  November  1943). 

To  this  day,  Fautrier  (1898-1964)  is  best 
known  for  his  Hostage  series  of  paintings  started 
in  1943  and  exhibited  in  1945,  which  unveiled 
a  new  process  —  the  building  up  of  a  tactile 
relief  on  which  the  artist  could  then  draw  or 
paint,  a  new  vision  anticipating  iart  informel/* 
and  a  resonant  subject  matter  -  the  routine  Nazi 
roundup  and  killing  of  hostages  in  retaliation 
for  the  assassination  of  one  of  their  men. 
(For  a  while,  fearing  arrest,  Fautrier  lived  in 
hiding  at  Chatenay-Malabry  outside  Paris, 


\1I(  III  I  I    C.  CONE      103 


Jean  Fautrier,  Rabbit  Skins,  1927.  Oil  on  canvas.  51  '/>  x  38  'k  in. 
(131  x  97  cm).  Marie-Jose  Lefort  Collection,  London. 

FIG.  7  [right] 

Jean  Fautrier,  Open  Corpse,  1928.  Oil  on  canvas,  45%  x  28  %  in. 
(116  x  73  cm).  Musee  des  Beaux- Arts,  Dijon,  France. 


within  earshot  of  woods  where  the  Nazis  came 
to  finish  off  their  victims  by  gunshot.) 

This  view  of  Fautrier's  career  —  revised  by  a  ret- 
rospective exhibition  at  the  Musee  d'Art  Moderne 
de  la  Ville  de  Paris  in  1989  -  obliterates  some 
twenty  years  of  his  painting  production  prior  to 
1943  and  omits  the  important  exhibitions  of  his  art 
at  Galerie  Visconti  in  1924,  at  Georges  Bernheim 
in  1928,  and  at  the  NRF  gallery  in  1934.  The  war- 
time Drouin  retrospective  showed  both  old  and 
new  work  by  an  artist  then  in  transition. 

Among  the  early  paintings  on  view  were  two 
still  lifes  of  a  decomposing  boar,  and  Rabbit  Skins 
(fig.  6),29  a  luminous  painting  showing  five  dead 
hares  dangling  in  graceful  abandon  from  the  end  of 
a  string  in  a  dark,  cavelike  space.  A  delicate,  some- 
times furry  texture  and  soft  contours  predominate, 
not  only  in  black-on-black  still  lifes  of  dead  animals 


from  the  mid-twenties,  but  also  in  mostly  black 
paintings  like  Black  Flowers  (1926;  Limmer 
Gallery,  Freiburg),  Still  Life  with  Pear  (1928; 
private  collection,  Germany),  and  Nude  (1926; 
Limmer  Gallery,  Freiburg).  Like  Soutine,  whom 
it  is  tempting  to  compare  to  the  Fautrier  of  Rabbit 
Skins,  the  French-born  artist  had  stayed  away 
from  the  whole  episode  of  cubism.  Indeed,  his 
late  twenties  and  early  thirties  demoiselles  ( Young 
Women  [1929;  Marie-Jose  Lefort  Collection, 
London])  had  more  to  do  with  "precultural  repre- 
sentation",(l  than  with  the  cubist  distortions  of 
Picasso's  Demoiselles  a" Avignon  (see  page  44,  fig.  7). 
Present  in  the  Drouin  selection  was  the  painting 
that  began  Paulhan's  Fautrier  binge,  Open  Corpse 
(fig.  7),  a  human  body  in  frontal  view,  open  as  for 
an  autopsy,  its  guts  a  zigzagging  line  within  a  dark 


104     CIRCUMVENTING  PICASSO 


oval.  "This  cadaver  that  has  just  been  broken 
open  for  an  autopsy,  resembles  some  marching 
condottiere,"  "  Paulhan  remarked,  discovering  in 
an  ambiguous  overlay  of  two  states  of  being  the 
sense  of  metamorphosis  that  he  also  valued  in 
Braque's  late  works.  Paulhan,  who  had  seen  death 
closely  during  World  War  I  and  become  fascinated 
with  morbid  images,  hung  Open  Corpse  in  the 
dining  room  of  the  home  on  rue  des  Arenes  that 
he  shared  with  his  wife,  and  to  which  he  brought 
his  writer  friends. 

The  list  of  works  for  the  Galerie  Drouin  show 
indicated  a  hiatus  in  Fautrier's  production  between 
1932  and  1938  (when  the  artist  left  Paris  and 
became  a  nightclub  owner  and  instructor  in  a  ski 
resort),  and  a  reprise  in  1938  of  fruit  and  (lower 
paintings,  still  black  with  blurred  contours,  such  as 
Fruit  in  a  Bowl  and  Flowers  (1939;  Michael  Werner 
Gallery,  Cologne).  In  1940-41,  Fautrier  was  going 
to  give  up  oil  and  canvas,  as  he  began  to  layer 
absorbent  paper  mixed  with  paste  in  lieu  of  a 
simple  prepared  canvas  base/'  In  The  Rabbit  (1941; 
Limmer  Gallery,  Freiburg)  and  The  Fish  (1943; 
private  collection,  Paris)  —  two  works  that  have 
been  traced  back  to  the  Galerie  Drouin  19  13 
retrospective"  —  contrasts  of  light  and  dark  are 
disconnected  from  the  outlined  skeleton  of  the 
depicted  objects.  Graffiti  like,  gestural  short 
markings  identify  the  subject  matter.  The  catalogue 
list  also  included  several  landscapes  from  1943  as 
well  as  two  paintings  of  heads  dated  1943.  In 
addition,  it  showed  five  pieces  of  sculpture 
(including  four  heads  from  1942-43),  a  number 
of  unidentified  drawings  from  1942-43,  and  three 
sets  of  book  illustrations. 

It  would  thus  appear  that  a  number  of  works  in 
the  style  of  the  Hostage  paintings  might  have  been 
seen  in  the  1943  exhibition,  though  -  no  doubt  for 
safety  reasons  -  none  bore  a  title  that  risked 
offending  the  Nazi  censors.  More  intriguing  than 
the  subject  matter  at  that  point  was  the  change  in 
surface  quality  from  fiat  to  impastoed,  as  if  a  frag- 
ment of  Soutine's  raised  and  heavily  textured  sur- 
faces were  being  analyzed  in  close-up  view  (fig.  8). 

Fautrier  not  only  exhibited  art  that  was  flagrantly 
"decadent"  bv  the  standards  of  his  enemies,  he 


illustrated  the  poems  of  Resistance-  friends,  and 
helped  a  Jewish  artist  survive.  A  lettei  from 

Paulhan  -  who  had  taken  an  interest  in  a  Jewish 
painter  named  Bcnn  [Rabinowicz]  -  reveals  that 
in  1943  Fautrier  spent  3,000  francs  for  a  work  by 
Benn.  '  Soon  after  this  letter  Paulhan  thanked 
Fautrier  for  a  precious  gift.  "I  don't  think  that  our 
friends  in  [internment?] camps  could  have  received 
anything  better  or  more  nourishing. " 

Not  surprisingly,  Fautrier's  exhibition  aroused 
the  passion  of  Lucien  Rebatet,  the  pro  Nazi  critic 
ol/e  suis  par  tout:  "If  you  want  an  apercu  of  dementia 
praecox,  go  see  [Fautrier's]  mauve  or  yellow  land 
scapes,  his  pink  apples  .  .  .  These  kilos  of  paint  .  .  . 
What  debauchery,  for  Gods  sake!  What  a  waste  of 
canvas  which  could  have  been  more  usefully 
employed  for  making  sheets  or  baby  diapers."' 
Rebatet  favored  watercolor,  the  medium  most 
antithetical  to  Fautrier's  raised  impastoed  surface, 
and,  among  contemporary  watercolorists,  praised 
romantic  realists  Roland  Oudot  and  Maurice 


[ean  Fautrier,  Ih,  Hostage,  1944  <  >il  .mil  pigments  on  paper  laid  dimn  mi 
hi    «.|.  54  cm    Courtesy  Galerie  Daniel  Malingue,  Paris 


MICHKLE  C.  CONE      105 


Brianchon,  whose  Between-the-Jew-and-the-Pompier 
aesthetics  combined  escapist  themes,  refined  taste, 
harmony  and  moderation,  and  a  Bonnardian  light- 
ness of  touch  (fig.  9). 

At  a  time  when  thick  painterly  mature  was 
abhorred  by  all  major  French  critics  as  un-French, 
degenerate,  and,  in  the  words  of  Jean-Marc 
Campagne,  the  critic  at  Les  Nouveaux  Temps,  typical 
of  Jewish  art,17  Fautrier's  use  of  it  daringly  flaunted 
the  acceptable.  In  inventing  an  original  way  to 
address  artistic  and  racial  issues,  Fautrier  was 
exceptional  among  French  artists.  And,  in  pushing 
the  issue  of  matiere  beyond  Soutine's  viscous 
surfaces,  he  was  making  visible  the  link  between 
Soutine  and  postwar  art  informed* 

Although  Fautrier  and  Soutine  were  near  con- 
temporaries (Soutine  was  born  in  1893  and 
Fautrier  in  1898),  may  have  lived  at  La  Ruche 
during  the  same  years,  and  while  the  dealer  Paul 
Guillaume  bought  paintings  by  the  two  of  them,39 
no  evidence  exists  that  they  knew  each  other. 
A  portrait  by  Fautrier  of  Soutine's  first  dealer, 
Leopold  Zborowski,  is  the  sole  evidence  of  a  pos- 
sible personal  link/"  Furthermore,  everything  in 
their  backgrounds  and  personalities  would  have 
separated  them.  Soutine's  father  was  a  poor  Jewish 
clothes  mender  in  a  small  Lithuanian  village  from 
which  young  Chaim  had  run  away  in  order  to 
pursue  his  goal  of  becoming  an  artist.  Fautrier  had 
a  wealthy  French  mother  who  uprooted  her  son  to 
London  at  age  ten,  letting  him  study  at  the  best 
London  art  schools.  One  was  short  and  pudgy,  the 
other  a  natural  athlete. 

In  a  well-known  photograph,  Fautrier  displays 
the  ascetic  face  of  Marcel  Duchamp,  distorted  by 
an  Antonin  Artaud  grimace.  Sensual  lips  on  a 
chubby  face  characterize  Soutine's  physiognomy 
in  a  1938  photo  portrait.  "Handsome,  elegant, 
nervous,  he  startled,  intimidated,  fascinated,  was 
either  adored  or  hated,  yet  felt  forever  alone  on  his 
mountains,"  is  how  one  female  admirer  remem- 
bered Fautrier."  For  her  part,  Soutine's  companion 
in  the  late  thirties,  Gerda  Groth,  better  known  as 
Mile  Garde,12  found  Soutine  singularly  lacking  in 
seduction.  He  was  also,  she  discovered,  incapable 
of  creating  a  particular  atmosphere  around  him. 


Maurice  Brianchon,  Bois  de  Boulogne,  1942.  Dimensions  unknown.  Present 
location  unknown. 


"He  settled  in  a  lodging  without  changing  a  thing, 
as  if  he  were  provisionally  camping  there." 4J 

Yet  far  apart  as  they  might  be,  they  shared  a 
strange  ambivalence  -  attraction  and  repulsion  - 
toward  decaying  flesh  and  viscous  matter  that  was 
totally  foreign  to  Picasso's  fear  of  death  syndrome 
and  images  of  dry,  bony  skulls.  Something  in  their 
past  experience  —  memory  of  the  shtetl  for  one, 
trench  life  in  World  War  I  for  the  other  -  seemed 
to  have  familiarized  them  with  gory  sights  to  such 
an  extent  that  they  could  contemplate  death  from 
a  perversely  formal  viewpoint.  Indeed,  Fautrier's 
most  powerful  works  —  both  his  early  represen- 
tations of  the  dead  hare,  dead  boar,  and  human 
corpse,  and  his  World  War  II  Hostage  images  — 
bring  to  mind  Elie  Faure  writing  of  Soutine's 
Carcass  of  Beef  of  1928:  "It  is  in  dead  flesh  that  he 
finds  his  most  erotic  pleasures."44 

Paulhan  was  himself  very  much  aware  of  a 
Fautrier/ Soutine  connection.  Explaining  his  initial 
reticence  toward  Fautrier  to  the  critic  Marcel 
Arland,  he  wrote  to  him  in  1941:  "I  never  slighted 
Fautrier.  At  the  same  time,  I  found  him  estimable, 
brilliant  —  and  yet  he  did  not  interest  me  very 
much.  I  said  to  myself:  he  is  obviously  gifted  and 
what  else?  Neither  the  ardor  of  Soutine,  nor  the 
faith  of  Rouault."*'  The  Soutine  reference  remained 
in  the  foreground  even  after  Paulhan  overcame  his 
doubts  about  Fautrier.  In  a  letter  of  28  June  1943 
written  to  Marcel  Jouhandeau,  he  said,  "I  would 
like  some  day  to  take  you  to  Fautrier.  I  don't  think 


106     CIRCUMVENTING  PICASSO 


that,  other  than  [Andre]  Masson  (and  maybe 
Soutine),  there  is  a  greater  painter  today."41  And 
to  his  friend  Henri  Pourrat,  in  a  letter  of  24  August 
1943,  he  noted,  "He  [Fautrier]  is  with  Soutine  the 
greatest  of  painters  among  the  young:  a  thousand 
feet  above  [Roland]  Oudot,  [Maurice]  Brianchon 
and  the  others."' 

In  fact,  Paulhan  coveted  owning  a  Soutine  long 
before  he  went  on  his  Fautrier  binge,  and  it  is 
likely  that  Paulhan  turned  to  Fautrier's  strangely 
morbid  paintings  in  part  because  of  their  affinity 
with  Soutine's  sensibility.  "I  have  often  dreamt 
about  [owning]  a  Soutine,"  he  wrote  to  the  para- 
plegic poet  Joe  Bousquet,  a  conduit  to  the  surre- 
alists and  to  Jewish  artists  during  the  war,  asking 
him  to  find  one  or  two  works  by  Soutine  "at  15  no 
more  than  20, 000  francs.""  We  do  not  know  if 
Paulhan's  wishes  were  fulfilled  at  that  time,  and  if 
so,  what  painting  or  paintings  Paulhan  bought. 
What  we  do  know  is  that  with  the  exception  of 


t'lnuin  Suuiuh'.  Young  Girl  at  Fence,  ca   1940  Oil  on  canvas,  13     ■  25    in 

Kti  x  65. 1  i  in  . 


Maternity  (1942;  Madeleine  Castaing  Colle<  lion. 
Paris),  showing  a  seated  mother  holding  the  limp 
body  of  a  child  on  her  lap,  "in  his  last  phase,  tin 
years  of  Vichy  France,  Soutine's  focusing  image 
was  not  death,  dving  or  the  depiction  of  life,"  as 
Maurice  Tuchman  has  pointed  out  in  his  recent 
contribution  to  the  Soutine  catalogue  iaisonne." 

The  last  paintings,  although  steeped  in  the 
French  countryside  and  in  the  observation  of 
French  country  people,  evoke  the  artist's  nostalgia 
for  another  place  and  time,  as  if  the  roots  he  had  so 
diligently  repressed  had  surged  back  to  the  surface. 
Mile  Garde  was  a  witness  to  this  change:  "One 
day,  watching  me  cry,  Soutine  asked  me  the 
reason.  I  told  him  I  was  nostalgic  for  my  parents, 
and  I  added,  'How  can  you  not  think  about  yours 
without  sadness?1  He  immediately  wrote  a  letter  to 
Lithuania  and  awaited  an  answer  every  da\." 

It  might  well  be  the  world  of  Soutine's  youth 
that  he  depicts  in  Maternity,  in  the  portrait  of 
a  little  girl  in  a  pensive  pose  leaning  on  a  bal- 
ustrade entitled  Young  Girl  at  Fence  (fig.  10),  in 
Therese  by  the  River  (ca.  1942;  private  collection, 
Paris),  in  Grandmother  and  Child  (ca.  1943;  private 
collection),  showing  a  white-haired  older  woman 
dressed  in  black  who  smiles  at  the  child  holding 
her  hand  -  paintings  with  the  quality  of  Proust- 
ian  memory.  They  look  as  if  Soutine  had  posed 
French  models  but  painted  them  as  characters 
from  the  shtetl.  Even  Return  from  School  after  the 
Storm  (fig.  11),  with  its  dark  blue-green  trees 
rising  in  an  empty  plain  and  children  shuffling 
along  a  dirt  path,  speaks  of  walks  through 
windblown  Russian  steppes  rather  than  the 
French  countryside. 

The  nostalgia  present  in  Soutine's  last  paintings 
-  the  distant  memory  of  friendly  faces  and  familiar 
sights  -  is  hardly  surprising.  The  small  village  in 
occupied  France  where  he  stayed  in  hiding  during 
the  war  could  easilv  merge  in  his  mind  and  in  his 
art  with  the  village  in  distant  Lithuania  where  he 
was  born  and  raised.  Furthermore,  the  persecution 
of  Jews  in  his  countrv  of  adoption,  occupied 
Prance,  could  well  remind  him  of  His  early 
encounter  with  racial  persecution  m  his  native 
village  in  Lithuania. 


MM    III  1  1     (COM         KIT 


Indeed,  no  sooner  was  the  Armistice  signed  by 
Marshal  Petain  in  June  1940  than  the  first  anti- 
Jewish  measures  were  instituted.  More  and  more 
ignominious  obstructions  were  put  in  place  in  the 
occupied  zone,  affecting  the  daily  life  of  Jews,  both 
foreign  and  French  ones.  On  an  early  morning  in 
July  1942,  the  Velodrome  d'Hiver  roundup  took 
place.  Thousands  of  Jews  were  awakened  by  the 
French  police,  told  to  take  a  few  personal  things, 
and  put  on  buses  headed  for  the  Vel  d'Hiv  sports 
stadium.  After  a  few  nights  and  days  spent  at  the 
open  stadium,  most  of  them  were  transferred  to 
the  Drancy  internment  camp  outside  Paris,  the 
antechamber  of  Auschwitz.'1  As  of  June  1942, 
Jews  were  forced  to  wear  the  yellow  star  to  make 
them  more  easily  identifiable  for  arrest.  52  Routine 
roundups  took  place,  in  the  course  of  which  men 
were  asked  to  lower  their  trousers  for  signs  of 
circumcision,  then  taken  away. 

Aged  forty-six  in  1939,  Soutine  was  at  the  peak 
of  his  career,  the  years  of  starvation  in  Montparnasse 
behind  him.  He  lived  comfortably  in  the  Villa 
Seurat  (some  claiming  that  he  was  sympathetic  to 
the  right-wing  Action  francaise),  his  medical  and 


FIG.  11 


(  li.nm  Soutine,  Return  from  School  after  the  Storm,  ca.  1939.  Oil  on  canvas, 
17  x  19'/.  in.  (43 .1  ■   19  i  cm).  The  Phillips  Collection,  Washington,  D.C. 


emotional  problems  were  attended  to  by  his  devoted 
companion,  Mile  Garde,  and  his  ego  nurtured  by 
Madeleine  Castaing,  his  major  collector  at  that 
point.  Suddenly  his  foreignness  and  then  his  Jewish- 
ness  boomeranged  back  at  him,  transforming  his 
everyday  life  into  a  permanent  nightmare.  In  Sep- 
tember 1939,  when  the  war  broke  out,  he  was  at 
Civry  near  Avallon  with  Mile  Garde,  visiting  an 
art  dealer.  As  Soutine  was  a  Russian  and  Garde 
a  German  national,  they  were  told  by  French  offi- 
cials —  the  then-French  government  feared  the 
presence  of  traitors  among  foreigners  -  that  they 
could  not  return  to  Paris,  and  must  remain  at  Civry 
in  residence  surveillee.  They  escaped  and  went  back 
to  Soutine's  atelier  in  Paris. 

In  May  1940,  when  German  nationals  were 
isolated  from  the  rest  of  the  population,  again  as 
potential  traitors  —  Mile  Garde  was  sent  to  Gurs, 
the  ignominious  internment  camp  in  the  Pyrenees 
that,  under  the  Vichy  government,  became  a  way 
station  for  Auschwitz.  (Among  the  lucky  ones,  she 
was  not  deported,  but  never  saw  Soutine  again.) 
In  a  panic  after  her  disappearance,  Soutine  turned 
to  Madeleine  Castaing.  From  the  June  Armistice 
signed  by  Marshal  Petain's  anti-Semitic  government 
until  his  transport  to  the  Junot  hospital  in  Paris 
in  August  1943,  Soutine  stayed  in  hiding  around 
the  village  of  Champigny  —  in  the  care  of  a  new 
companion,  Marie-Berthe  Aurenche  (Max  Ernst's 
former  mistress). 

When  hardly  anyone  dared  to  mention  his 
name,  much  less  buy  his  work,  the  Castaings 
continued  to  collect  it  to  the  very  end  of  his  life.'3 
On  9  August  1943,  he  died  during  an  operation 
for  his  stomach  ulcers.  Mile  Garde,  by  then  living 
in  hiding  in  Paris,  reported,  "Two  days  later,  I 
followed  the  funeral  to  Montparnasse  Cemetery. 
There  were  very  few  people,  for  most  of  Soutine's 
friends,  and  the  painters  of  Montparnasse,  had  to 
remain  in  hiding.  However,  Jean  Cocteau,  Picasso, 
and  Michonz  followed  the  funeral  procession."' 

Paulhan  never  established  a  personal  relationship 
with  Soutine  the  way  he  did  with  Braque,  Fautrier, 
andjean  Dubuffet,  explaining  to  Bousquet  that  "I 
could  have  met  him  but  there  was  a  time  when  I 
found  it  more  proper  not  to  see  the  painters  that  the 


108     CIRCUMVENTING  PICASSO 


NRF  talked  about.  It  was  a  bit  stupid."    Paulhan's 
meeting  with  Dubuffet  occurred  in  the  last  months 
of  the  Occupation,  when  the  outcome  of  the  war 
in  favor  of  the  Allies  seemed  assured.  "I  have 
discovered  another  brilliant  painter  whose  name 
is  Dubuffet;  in  a  minuscule  atelier  on  the  rue 
Lhomond  he  paints  puppets,  and  metro  scenes. 
Otherwise,  wine  merchant  (wholesale)  and  friend 
of  [Georges]  Limbour,"  he  wrote  to  Jouhandeau 
in  March  1944.  * 

Born  in  1901,  and  slightly  younger  than  Fautrier 
and  Soutinc,  Dubuffet  belonged  with  their  gener- 
ation. Like  Fautrier,  Dubuffet  had  given  up 
painting  during  the  thirties  for  a  more  lucrative 
activity.  He  resumed  his  vocation  in  1942,  "resolved 
to  devote  two  or  three  years  (with  enough  money 
to  live  on  for  that  length  of  time)  to  making  paint- 
ings for  my  own  use  and  without  worrying  about 
whether  or  not  they  were  susceptible  to  being 
approved  by  anybody"' 


1  h.    12 

Anonymous, "  Hie  Marshal  Speaking  in  Fronl  "I  .>  Mn  rophone  ' 
From  an  exhibition  of  children's  drawings  al  Musee  Galliera, 

Paris,  ]'•!_'  Dimensions  unknown,  Present  location  unknown 


As  with  Fautrier,  more  attention  has  been  paid 
to  Dubuffet's  postwar  art  in  relation  to  /'ail  infbmul 
than  to  the  work  that  came  before.  Overlooked 
in  particular  are  the  Mav  June  1!>1  1  "messages" 
scribbled  in  an  awkward  hand  on  mess\   news 
paper  print,  which  simulated  the  anon)  mous 
graffiti  used  by  lovers,  the  deranged,  and  resisters 
to  communicate.  Sentences  like  "The  ke)  is  undei 
the  shutter,"  "I  think  of  you,"  "Thank  you  very 
much  my  health  is  excellent,"  "Georges  arrives 
tomorrow  morning,"  "Fmile  has  left,"  are  also  rem- 
iniscent of  messages  scribbled  in  prison  or  heard 
over  the  BBC  radio  during  the  war. 

Typical  of  the  Vichy  years  are  also  colorful  oil 
paintings  and  drawings  based  on  children's  art, 
made  at  a  time  when  the  art  of  children  was  much 
celebrated  and  even  shown  in  museums.  But 
whereas  the  children's  drawings  on  view  at  the 
Paris  Musee  Galliera  paid  homage  to  Marshal 
Petain  (fig.  12),  Dubuffet's  works  concentrated 
on  scenes  of  the  wartime  everyday,  filled  with 
expressive,  toylike  figures.  In  these  works, 
sad-looking  people  stand  in  a  crowded  subway 
car  (fig.  13),  go  about  their  business  on  foot  on 
a  city  street,  play  jazz,  bicycle  on  an  open  road, 
and  milk  cows.  All  these  "puppets  from  the 
city  and  the  country"  (the  title  of  the  series)  - 
Hoffmanesque  automatons  -  operated  in  the  odd 
terrain  of  plastic  naivete  overlaid  with  mature 
emotion.  Dubuffet  noted  that 

/  liked  the  kind  of  painting  that  children  make,  and 
aimed  at  nothing  more  than  to  make  equivalent  ones, 
for  my  sole  pleasure.  I  believed  that  paintings 
deprived  of  technique  like  those  made  by  children, 
effortlessly  and  quickly,  can  be  as  effective,  even  more 
effective  than  paintings  produced  in  the  cultural 
circuit,  and  that  they  can  also  be  carriers  of  unex- 
pected bonuses  offering  novel  overtures  to  thought.  ' 

( )ne  such  painting,  View  of  Paris:  Everyone  at  the 
Windows  (fig.  14),  depicted  an  old  building  facade 
with  little  white  stick  figures  standing  on  the 
window  sills,  the  arched  windows  suggesting 
an  alignment  of  tombstones.  Made  the  day  aftei 
the  poet  Max  Jacob's  memorial,  it  was  given  to 


mk  in  1  I   c.  CONE     109 


Jean  Dubuffet,  Metro,  1943.  Oil  on  canvas,  64  x  51  'A  in.  (162.6  x  130.2  cm). 
Courtesy  PaceWildenstein,  New  York. 


Paulhan.  (Both  Dubuffet  and  Paulhan  had  been 
friends  of  the  dead  poet.)  According  to  the  artist, 
it  was  inspired  by  "the  wall  of  ghosts  that  surged 
in  [my]  mind  during  the  ceremony"'1  that  he  and 
Paulhan  had  attended. 

Rene  Drouin,  at  the  urging  of  Paulhan,  included 
Dubuffet  in  two  group  exhibits  at  his  gallery  -  The 
Nude  in  May  1944  (with  Seated  Woman  in  Front  of 
Blinds  [May  1943;  C.  Renault  Collection,  Paris])  and 
Twenty -One  Landscapes  m]v\y  1944  (with  Grassy  and 
Earthy  Landscape  [February  1944;  private  collection, 
Zurich]).  The  critic  Georges  Limbour,  a  longtime 
friend,  expressed  his  admiration  in  the  soon-to- 
become-defunct  Comoedia  on  8  July  1944.  The 
critic  Gaston  Diehl,  who  had  championed  the  Bleu 
Blanc  Rouge  painters  and  might  have  responded 
positively  to  the  cheerful  look  if  not  the  less  than 
cheerful  content  of  Dubuffet's  works,  called  his 
art  "a  dangerous  joke"("une  facetie  dangereuse")  in 


the  about-to-disappear  newspaper  Aujourd'hui  on 
17  July  1944.  This  comment  was  not  going  to  deter 
Drouin  from  giving  Dubuffet  a  one-man  show  at 
his  gallery  in  October  1944,  for  which  Paulhan 
wrote  the  catalogue  introduction  in  the  form  of  a 
letter  to  the  artist. 

One  might  well  ask  what  criteria  allowed 
Paulhan,  the  famed  editor  and  discoverer  of  liter- 
ary talent,  to  switch  so  easily  from  new  authors  to 
new  artists.  As  the  critic  Andre  Berne-Joffroy  con- 
ceded, "One  cannot  forget  that  his  strange  lucidity 

—  so  suddenly  displayed  in  the  realm  of  painting 
soon  after  1940  —  was  sustained  by  the  very  same 
qualities  he  had  cultivated  with  extraordinary  care  in 
literature  ...  on  the  basis,  it  is  true,  of  exceptional 
talent."'"  Indeed,  his  beginnings  as  an  art  "critic" 
coincided  with  the  publication  in  1941  of  Les  Fleurs 
de  Tarbes,  a  summation  of  his  views  after  fifteen 
years  as  arbiter  of  contemporary  literature  and 
poetry  in  Paris. 

In  this  pessimistic  and  disorienting  text  —  offered 
as  a  series  of  glimpses  rather  than  a  demonstration 

—  creativity  is  shown  to  be  at  a  near  impasse. 
Everything  has  been  said  "and  in  the  end  every 
word  becomes  suspect  if  it  has  been  used  before.""1 
What  is  left  to  explore  is  the  very  matiere  of 
language,  its  texture  dissociated  from  sentences, 
from  words,  and  even  from  letters.12  Paulhan's 
commitment  to  matiere  in  painting  would  seem  to 
have  derived  from  the  priority  that  he  assigned  to 
matiere  in  literature.  But  no  sooner  had  he  laid 
down  his  demand  for  a  literature  de  la  matiere  (that 
would  be  obviously  incomprehensible)  than  he 
declared  the  cliche,  the  banal,  the  lieu  commun  - 
which  he  intuitively  disliked  —  to  be  a  necessity 
of  literature  if  language  were  to  recover  both  its 
adhesion  to  the  world  and  its  communicability. 

The  idea  of  the  commonplace  also  partook  of 
his  judgments  on  art,  as  when  he  said  of  Braque 
in  Braque  le  patron  that 

What  I  meant  to  say  also  is  that  Braque  s  painting 
is  banal.  No  doubt  fantastic  but  ordinary.  Fantastic 
-  when  one  thinks  about  it  -  as  it  is  to  have  one 
nose  and  two  eyes,  and  the  nose  precisely  between  the 
two  eyes.63 


110      CIRCUMVENTING  PICASSO 


Asjohn  Culbert  pointed  out  with  regard  to 
Paulhan's  writings,  "one  of  the  dominant  traits  of 
Paulhan's  work  is  the  refusal  to  settle  differences."" 
In  order  to  interest  Paulhan  the  critic,  a  work  - 
whether  of  literature  or  of  art  -  must  waver  on  the 
cusp  of  the  accessibly  seductive  and  the  repulsively 
difficult,  always  risking  failure  like  a  high-wire 
act.  It  was  thus  hardly  surprising  to  read  Paulhan 
saying  of  Fautrier's  wartime  painting  that  it  was 
very  close  to  insult  and  to  filth.' 

But  Paulhan  did  not  suddenly  become  an 
authority  on  new  art.  He  himself  had  mentors.  One 
of  them  was  Henri  Michaux,  the  Belgian  surrealist 
poet/painter  and  contributor  to  NRF  who  had 
"long  tried  to  interest  Paulhan  in  a  new  possible 
orientation  in  painting."''  Michaux  had  traveled  to 
the  Far  East  and  become  fascinated  by  Tibetan 
Buddhism.  The  Buddhist  view  of  dying  as  a  process 
of  metamorphosis  between  two  states  of  being, 
which  Paulhan  mav  have  discovered  himself  when 

J 

he  lived  in  Madagascar  from  1908  to  1910,  probably 
influenced  his  fearless  affinity  for  morbid  images 
as  much  as  death's  routine  presence  at  the  front 
lines  during  World  War  I  had  when  he  fought  with 
the  Zouaves.  But  more  important  was  Michaux's 
discovery  in  China  of  a  new  approach  to  making 
art:  "[I]n  Chinese  painting,  images  are  there  and 
yet  they're  absent.  Like  delicate  phantoms  that 
haven't  been  summoned  by  desire."'"  In  Michaux's 


description,  we  recognize  traits  that  applied  to 
the  art  that  Paulhan  admired. 

This  being  said,  at  a  time  when  the  romantic 
realists  Oudot  and  Brianchon  were  being  cele- 
brated in  the  pages  of  the  Fascist  sheet  _/<?  suis 
par/out,  and  the  Bleu  Blanc  Rouge  painters  Jean 
Bazaine,  Fdouard  Pignon,  Andre  Fougeron, 
Maurice  Esteve,  and  Alfred  Manessier  were 
claiming  attention  as  the  new  French  vanguard, 
Paulhan's  support  of  Fautrier,  Dubuffet,  and 
Soutine  showed  unusual  courage.  Small  wonder 
Rebatet  called  him  "an  Aryan  ashamed  of  his 
foreskin  and  of  his  baptism"  in  the  pages  of 
Je  suis  partout.1*  And  yet,  considering  his  support 
of  Braque  and  circumventing  of  Picasso,  who  was 
as  engaged  against  fascism  as  he  was,  Paulhan's 
choices  seem  to  have  been  more  personal  than 
ideologically  motivated. 


FIG    li 

Jean  Dubuffet,  !'/<;<'  of  Puns:  Eitrytim  at  tin   \Yindnw\.  l.\  March  1!'  t  I.  (  )il  on 
canvas,  .(.">  «   l~>  ■•  in.    K(>  x  1H>  cm  .  Private  collection.  Pan-.. 


MM    111  I  I     t      l    OM        111 


.-a^^aj^^" 


•  * 


*,--  — 


SdMfc- 


:"tJflj'fL;4 


nJH| 


B5M 


■asawgasi. 

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'■mi 


few 


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Reports  from  the  Home  Fronts: 
Some  Skirmishes  over 
Picasso's  Reputation 


Michael  FitzGerald 


A 


xcounts  of  life  in  Paris  following  the 
Liberation  sometimes  give  the  impression 
that  Picasso  ranked  with  the  Louvre  as  a  symbol  of 
French  culture.  Magazine  and  newspaper  reporters 
who  had  followed  the  Allied  invasion  across 
France  and  were  experienced  hands  at  delivering 
breaking  accounts  of  the  latest  military  assaults 
suddenly  focused  their  skills  on  this  single  artist, 
a  sixty-four-year-old  man  who  wasn't  a  French 
citizen  and  had  received  no  official  recognition 
from  the  nation's  cultural  establishment.  The  war 
correspondent  for  the  San  Francisco  Chronicle,  Peter 
D.  Whitney,  filed  one  of  the  first  celebrations. 
Under  a  boldface  headline,  "Picasso  Is  Safe,"  the 
article  proclaimed  the  artist  "the  world's  greatest 
painter"  and  proceeded  to  print  Picasso's  account 
of  the  Occupation.1 

Nor  was  this  phenomenon  limited  to  journalists, 
whose  attention  might  be  explained  by  a  desire  for 
an  assignment  that  did  not  require  dodging  mortar 
shells,  diving  into  muddy  foxholes,  or  sleeping 
on  rocky  ground.  Picasso's  studio  on  the  rue  des 
Grands-Augustins  became  such  a  popular  desti 
nation  for  furloughed  GIs  that  Thursday  mornings 
were  set  aside  for  men  and  women  in  uniform  to 
see  where  Picasso  lived  and  to  have  the  chance  to 


examine  a  few  of  the  many  paintings  he  had  made 
during  the  years  of  isolation  (fig.  1).  Picasso  bantered 
about  these  sessions  with  his  friend,  the  photog- 
rapher Brassai,  "Yes,  it's  an  invasion!  Paris  is 
liberated,  but  me,  I  was  and  I  remain  besieged." 

Unlike  earlier  phases  of  his  career,  this  round  of 
celebrity  was  not  sparked  by  controversy  over  his 
most  recent  work.  Except  for  a  small  number  of 
pictures  that  may  have  hung  unceremoniously 
in  a  few  Parisian  galleries  or  in  a  friend's  home, 
Picasso's  wartime  art  was  hardly  seen  outside  his 
studio  until  the  Salon  d'Automne  opened  in 
October.  Even  then,  the  paintings  themselves 
prompted  less  debate  than  did  the  political  implica- 
tions of  his  recent  affiliation  with  the  Communist 
Party  and  longstanding  animosity  over  his  repudi- 
ation of  academic  standards.  As  Picasso  explained 
to  Whitney,  "I  have  not  painted  the  war  because  I 
am  not  the  kind  of  a  painter  who  goes  out  like  a 
photographer  for  something  to  depict.  But  I  have 
no  doubt  that  the  war  is  in  these  paintings  I  have 
done.  Later  on  perhaps  the  historians  will  find 
them  and  show  that  m\  st\  le  changed  under  the 
war's  influence."  Nonetheless,  the  Chronicle's 
editors  chose  the  phrase  "War  in  his  art"  to  run 
boldface  under  a  photograph  of  the  artist. 


113 


Allied  soldiers  in  Picasso's  studio  after  the  Liberation,  September  1944. 
Photograph  by  Robert  Capa. 


While  other  essays  in  this  volume  will  take 
Picasso's  suggestion  and  explore  the  often  subtle 
ways  in  which  the  experience  of  the  war  may 
be  reflected  in  the  art,  this  essay  examines  the 
development  of  his  public  reputation,  from  the 
beginning  of  the  war  to  its  conclusion,  through 
published  commentary,  trade  in  art,  and  exhibi- 
tions in  galleries  and  museums.  Disconnecting 
Picasso's  art  from  contemporaneous  discussions 
and  presentations  affecting  his  reputation  seems 
appropriate,  because  the  war  largely  cut  off  both 
the  artist  and  his  work  from  interested  audiences. 
Despite  the  near  blackout,  controversies  over  his 
art  continued,  in  part  fed  by  rumors.  And,  in  the 
absence  of  significant  new  information,  events  that 
occurred  immediately  before  and  after  the  war  — 
rather  than  activities  during  the  Occupation  — 
shaped  the  argument.  While  generated  by  the 
exceptional  conditions  of  that  time,  the  "disem- 
bodiment" created  between  the  artist  and  his 
public  image  was  far  from  unique.  It  represents  a 
problem  that  increasingly  has  confronted  artists 
and  other  public  figures  of  this  century,  as  the  pro- 
fessions of  journalism  and  public  relations  have 


Pablo  Pic  asso 

Skull  and  Pitcher  detail) 
10  March  1945.  Cat.  no.  7!). 


separated  individual  and  image  to  satisfy  bur- 
geoning popular  fascination  with  celebrity. 

Preceding  the  war,  two  crucial  events  occurred 
in  Picasso's  career  —  the  international  tour  of 
Guernica  and  the  retrospective  exhibition  organized 
by  the  Museum  of  Modern  Art.  After  first  pre- 
senting Guernica  (pages  40-41,  fig.  1)  in  the  Spanish 
Pavilion  of  the  Paris  World's  Fair  in  1937,  Picasso 
allowed  the  mural  to  travel  to  London  and  the 
United  States  as  a  fundraising  promotion  for 
the  Republicans  (fig.  2).3  It  arrived  in  London 
in  October  1938  and  New  York  in  May  1939, 
followed  by  appearances  in  many  cities  across 
America.  Perhaps  even  more  than  the  initial 
presentation  in  Paris,  these  showings  highlighted 
the  political  content  of  the  painting  and  Picasso's 
willingness  for  it  to  be  used  for  propaganda.  This 
emphasis  intensified  as  the  months  passed  and  the 
Nazis'  military  campaigns  expanded  from  Spain 
to  Czechoslovakia  and  Poland. 

In  New  York  during  summer  1939,  Guernica 
certainly  struck  prominent  critics  as  more  than  a 
statement  about  events  in  Picasso's  homeland,  by 
then  already  two  years  in  the  past.  Henry  McBride, 
a  longtime  defender  of  the  avant-garde,  wrote  that 
"we  shall  regard  Guernica  as  the  most  concrete  and 
powerful  statement  of  the  hatreds  generated  by 
these  political  wars  of  the  present.'"  Elizabeth 
McCausland,  a  critic  deeply  committed  to  political 
action  as  well  as  to  Picasso's  art,  saw  the  painting 
not  only  as  an  unequivocal  statement  of  his  public 
opposition  to  Franco,  but  also  as  a  rejuvenation 
of  his  art  after  he  had,  in  the  previous  few  years, 
"arrived  at  the  nadir  of  personal  revolt  and 
spiritual  defiance." ' 

This  shift  of  focus  from  Picasso  as  an  extreme 
individualist  and  aesthetic  innovator  to  an  artist 
of  deep  political  commitment  carried  into 
the  Modern's  retrospective,  which  opened  in 
September  1939,  the  first  month  of  the  European 
war.  In  February,  Time  had  already  set  the  stage, 
passing  from  describing  Picasso  as  possessing 
"probably  the  greatest  painting  virtuosity  in  the 
world"  to  highlighting  his  response  to  the  civil  war. 
"The  two  works  which  have  put  him  in  the  news 
since  1936  have  been  public,  polemical  jobs:  his 


114      REPORTS  FROM  THE  HOME  FRONTS 


big,  lacerating  mural,  Guernica,  for  the  Spanish 
government  pavilion  at  the  Paris  exposition  of 
1937,  and  a  series  of  hairy-nightmare  etchings 
entitled  Dream  and  Lie  of  Franco"    (cat.  no.  2). 
Reviewing  the  exhibition,  McCausland  returned  to 
Guernica  and  praised  Picasso  for  having  "turned  his 
gaze  outward,  away  from  the  depths  of  subjective 
experience  to  the  tragedies  of  social  experience."' 
And,  like  many  publications,  the  Nation  singled  out 
Guernica  as  the  culmination  of  Picasso's  achieve- 
ment, calling  it  the  "supreme  glory  of  his  life."8 

This  focus  on  the  painting  certainly  flowed  from 
publicity  generated  by  the  tour,  but  it  also  reflected 
Alfred  Ban's  organization  of  the  exhibition.  By 
including  not  only  the  painting  but  fifty  related 
works,  he  created  a  mini-exhibit  within  the  full 
retrospective.  And  by  showing  only  a  few,  rela- 
tively minor  pieces  from  the  two  years  following 
the  completion  of  Guernica,  he  implied  that  this 
most  recent  work  was  less  significant. 

Moreover,  because  the  beginning  of  the  war 
prevented  the  return  of  Guernica,  as  well  as  many 
other  loans,  the  mural  remained  in  the  Modern's 
possession  (at  Picasso's  request).  After  traveling  to 
nine  American  cities,  many  works  in  the  exhibition 
were  retained  by  the  museum  for  safekeeping,  and 


NEW        BURLINGTON       GALLERIES 

IuIliNCION        G*»DENS      -      LONDON         Wl 
VISIT  ■■■■I'  "**      GUERNICA 

,he  KV  --  EXHIBITION 

EXHIBITION 


IMRWll     I    $ 


IG 

Announcement  of  the  exhibition  ol  Guernica,  I  29  Octobei  1938, 
N'cu  Burlington  Galleries,  London, 


Guernica,  in  particular,  was  regularly  brought  out  to 
serve  as  a  symbol  of  opposition  to  not  just  Franco 
but  Hitler  as  well.  In  August  1943,  the  Modem 
reinstalled  the  painting  and  issued  a  press  release 
that  explicitly  linked  the  destruction  of  the  Basque 
town  to  recent  events  across  Europe.  Noting  that 
Guernica  had  been  destroyed  b\  the  German 
Luftwaffe,  the  release  continued, 

this  destruction  of  a  deft  useless  town  was  an  expei 
iment  by  the  German  Luftwaffe  in  the  psychological 

effect  on  the  surrounding  population  of  obliteration  b\ 
air  power  of  a  hallowed  center  of  a  people 's  culture  and 
religion.  Vie  Germans  considered  the  experiment  (with 
its  horrible  mutilation  and  destruction  of  hundreds  of 
human  beings  as  well  as  cultural  treasures  and  land- 
marks) an  unqualified  success.  Reportedly  it  was 
written  up  in  German  military  journals  as  an  advance 
in  the  technique  of  total  war.  The  technique  was  later 
employed  against  parts  of  Warsaw,  Rotterdam,  and 
in  England  at  Plymouth,  Coventry,  and  the  national 
shrine  of  Canterbury;  while  London 's  great  Cathedral 
of  St.  Paul's  was  saved  as  though  by  a  miracle  when 
all  around  it  was  laid  low  by  bombs.' 

The  press  release  then  recounted  a  report 
that  seemed  to  show  Picasso  using  the  mural  to 
condemn  the  Nazis'  activities  outside  Spain.  "There 
is  a  story  that  after  the  fall  of  Paris,  Otto  Abetz, 
Hitler's  agent  in  the  city,  visited  Picasso's  studio, 
where  the  artist  was  still  living.  He  saw  a  study 
sketch  of  the  mural  on  Picasso's  wall  and  asked  the 
artist,  "Did  you  do  that?"  "No,"  Picasso  replied, 
"you  did."  This  may  be  the  first  publication  of  this 
frequently  told  story,  a  tale  that  made  the  rounds  in 
many  variations  during  and  after  the  war,  some- 
times substituting  a  stream  of  unidentified  officers 
for  Abetz  or  postcard  reproductions  of  the  painting 
(given  as  souvenirs  to  uncomprehending  Nazis) 
for  the  sketch. 

Before  America  entered  the  war.  the  Modern 
began  to  promote  its  activities  as  part  of  the  oppo 
sition  to  Hitler's  "prejudice  about  ait,"  particularK 
post-impressionist  and  twentieth-centurv  artists.  In 
the  months  after  Pearl  Harbor,  the  museum  greatly 
accelerated  these  efforts  to  make  contemporar)  art 

M1CHAKI.  HTZGKRAI  I)      I  1  > 


a  weapon  against  the  country's  enemies.  The  most 
extensive  manifestation  was  The  Road  to  Victory 
(June  1942),  a  "procession  of  photographs  of  the 
nation  at  war,"  organized  by  Edward  Steichen,  and 
an  exhibition  that  served  as  a  model  for  Steichen's 
later  and  far  more  popular  Family  of  Man.  Yet  the 
museum  placed  most  of  its  emphasis  on  less  literal 
projects.  The  fall  1942  Bulletin  claimed  that 

THE  MUSEUM  COLLECTION  is  a  symbol  of 

one  of  the  four  freedoms  for  which  we  are  fighting  - 
the  freedom  of  expression.  Composed  of  painting, 
sculpture,  architecture,  photography,  films  and  indus- 
trial design  from  25  countries  it  is  art  that  Hitler 
hates  because  it  is  modern,  progressive,  challenging; 
because  it  is  international,  leading  to  understanding 
and  tolerance  among  nations;  because  it  is  free,  the 
free  expression  of  free  men. '" 

Having  already  judged  Picasso  the  greatest  artist  of 
the  twentieth  century,  Barr  placed  him  at  the  head 
of  this  offensive. 

The  problem,  or  the  advantage,  was  that  no  one 
knew  what  Picasso  was  doing.  With  his  decision  to 
return  to  Paris  after  the  Nazis'  conquest  of  France 
rather  than  accept  invitations  to  flee  to  America, 
Picasso  slipped  into  obscurity.  For  the  first  time  in 
his  career  since  the  creation  of  cubism  made  him 
a  public  figure,  he  was  not  regularly  observed  by 
working  journalists.  A  few  articles  appeared  in  the 


FIG 

A  cornei  of  the  Galerie  Louise  Leiris,  Paris,  between  1914  and  1946, 
showing  recent  paintings  by  Picasso. 


American  press,  but  these  were  based  on  old 
information.  In  1942,  Meric  Callery,  a  sculptor 
and  collector  who  had  been  a  friend  of  Picasso's 
through  the  thirties,  recounted  for  Art  News  "the 
last  time  I  saw  Picasso,"  but  her  story  ended  in 
1940  with  good  wishes  -  "And  there  in  that 
stricken  Paris  he  still  is  .  .  .  Our  thoughts  go  out  to 
him  and  worry  over  him.""  Rumors  that  Picasso 
had  sold  out  to  the  Nazis,  or,  alternatively,  had 
been  thrown  into  a  concentration  camp,  circulated 
without  convincing  serious  observers. 

Exhibitions  of  his  art  were  presented  in  America, 
but  they  were  stuck  in  time,  because  most  of  his 
work  in  the  country  had  been  shipped  over  for  the 
retrospective.  Besides  the  Modern's  own  efforts, 
Picasso's  longtime  dealer,  Paul  Rosenberg,  orga- 
nized several  shows  at  the  New  York  gallery  he 
opened  after  he  fled  from  France.  But  these  con- 
sisted of  stock  pictures  from  the  twenties  and 
thirties  he  had  lent  to  the  exhibition,  plus  a  few 
others  he  had  sent  to  the  1939  World's  Fair.  Pierre 
Matisse  provided  another  venue  for  the  works  in 
New  York.  Reviews  were  respectful  of  these 
familiar,  increasingly  classic  paintings,  but 
discussed  them  in  exclusively  stylistic  terms,  far 
removed  from  the  reality  of  current  events.12 

In  Paris,  the  situation  obviously  was  much 
worse.  Predictably,  the  collaborationist  press 
ridiculed  Picasso.  If  these  pieces  easily  could  be 
dismissed  as  slander,  denunciations  by  some 
respected  artists,  particularly  Maurice  de  Vlaminck, 
were  startling,  especially  since  Picasso  had  no  way 
to  respond  to  them  in  print."  Throughout  the 
Occupation,  no  one-man  exhibition  of  his  work 
occurred  in  France.  Whether  it  was  officially 
banned  is  not  entirely  clear.  Certainly,  the  Nazis 
considered  his  art  degenerate,  and  claims  have 
been  made  that  Franco's  minister  requested  a  pro- 
hibition. On  the  other  hand,  individual  dealers 
may  have  chosen  not  to  risk  the  retaliation  that 
might  well  have  resulted  from  the  announcement 
of  a  show.  Whatever  the  case,  very  few,  if  any, 
contemporary  works  by  Picasso  were  exhibited  in 
Paris  during  the  war.  After  all,  Rosenberg  had  left 
the  country,  and  Daniel-Henry  Kahnweiler  was 
hiding  in  the  countryside  while  his  daughter-in-law, 


116      REPORTS  FROM  THE  HOME  FRONTS 


V 


Pablo  Picasso,  Portrait  oj  Martin  labium,  28  |ul\  1943.  Pencil  on  paper, 

20'.*.  x  12  -  in.   Jl.l  x  A2.I  cm  .  l'malc  mllc-i  lion. 


Louise  Leiris,  maneuvered  to  prevent  the  Nazis 
from  taking  possession  of  their  gallery.  Although 
she  secured  title  in  1941,  it  would  have  been 
foolhardy  to  mount  a  display.  As  a  photograph 
in  Harriet  and  Sidney  Janis's  book  illustrates, 
however,  Leiris  did  buy  wartime  paintings  from 
Picasso  around  the  time  of  the  Liberation,  several 
of  them  among  his  most  powerful  (fig.  3)." 

With  Picasso's  traditional  dealers  out  of  the 
action  or  lying  low,  two  new  arrivals  played  a 
small  role  in  buying  and  promoting  his  work.  The 
most  problematic  was  Martin  Fabiani,  who  had 
taken  over  Ambroise  Vollard's  stock  and  pub 
lishing  business  after  his  death  in  1939  (fig.  4).  By- 
continuing  with  plans  to  publish  an  edition  of  the 
comte  de  Buffon's  Histoire  naturelle  wilh  illustrations 
by  Picasso  (1!)42),  Fabiani  ingratiated  himself  and 
was  rewarded  by  a  group  of  pencil  portraits,  which 


Picasso  drew  on  28  Jul)  1943.    Unlike  the  portraits 
of  Paul  Rosenberg  and  his  famil)  that  Pi<  asso  made 
m  1918,  this  batch  docs  not  mark  the  beginning  ol 
a  long  relationship.  Fabiani  was  far  more  interested 
in  the  market  lor  old  -master,  impressionist  and 
post  impressionist  art,  where  the  profits  were  much 
greater  and  a  booming  market  thrived  during  the 
war.  To  capitalize  on  it,  of  course,  he  had  to  deal  with 
the  Nazis  and  their  agents,  and  he  had  to  be  willing 
to  accept  items  that  were  probabK  illegally  confis 
cated  or  coerced  from  their  owners.  Apparent l\ 
Fabiani  had  few  scruples.  His  shady  dealings  did 
touch  Picasso  through  trades  or  purchases,  although 
little  precise  documentation  of  their  transactions  is 
known  to  exist. 

The  second  new  arrival,  Louis  Carre  (fig.  5), 
proved  more  substantial.  In  a  small  way,  Carre  had 
begun  working  with  Picasso  during  the  year  or  two 
before  the  war.17  Since  the  artist's  agreement  with 
Rosenberg  was  limited  to  premiere  vue,  Picasso 
could  sell  to  other  dealers  the  paintings  Rosenberg 
did  not  select.  In  the  late  thirties,  Carre  bought 
a  few  and  discussed  with  Picasso  his  not  very 
successful  efforts  to  sell  them  in  New  York.  When 
Rosenberg  and  Kahnweiler  withdrew,  Carre 
pursued  a  more  substantial  relationship,  and 
Picasso  responded.  His  first  two  exhibitions  alter 
the  war  were  held  at  the  Galerie  Louis  Carre. 
Moreover,  during  the  Occupation,  Carre  mounted 
some  exhibitions  of  avant-garde  art,  particularly  a 
show  of  Matisse  drawings  in  November  1941.  Most 
twentieth-century  artists,  including  Matisse,  were 
not  prohibited  from  exhibiting  by  the  Nazis,  but 
Carre  seems  not  to  have  organized  a  show  of 
Picasso's  work  at  this  time." 


Bit  a  a 


I  ic 


Installation  \  iew  ol  an  exhibition  "I  re<  enl  paintings  b)  Pi<  asso  al  the 
( lalei  ie  Louis  ('.inc.  Paris,  fune  19  1 5 


MICUAl  I     I  I  I  /(.I  K  \1  1)       117 


In  general,  Picasso  had  little  reason  to  sell  his 
work  during  the  war.  He  had  plenty  of  money  to 
cover  living  expenses,  and  potential  buyers  had 
access  only  to  French  francs  (or,  possibly,  German 
scrip).  Measured  against  the  U.S.  dollar  or  the 
Swiss  franc,  the  French  franc's  abysmal  value  on 
the  open  market  made  it  far  more  desirable  to  hold 
paintings  for  future  sale  than  to  build  up  a  stock  of 
dubious  currency.11' 

Thus,  it  seems  that  the  works  by  Picasso  on 
public  view  in  Paris  during  the  Occupation  were 
almost  entirely  resale  items  —  works  that  were 
offered  at  auction  or  in  galleries  by  private  col- 
lectors or  dealers.2"  The  number  was  small  and,  as 
in  New  York,  the  works  were  almost  certainly  not 
current,  having  previously  passed  from  Picasso  to 
another  owner.  Only  on  one  occasion  does  it 
appear  that  Picasso  himself  presented  a  work, 
probably  a  recent  one.  This  was  a  charity  auction 
to  raise  funds  for  indigent  artists,  an  event  that 
received  attention  in  the  Parisian  press,  but  which 
did  not  appear  to  rouse  the  authorities  to  action."1 

Throughout  the  Occupation,  Picasso  kept  largely 
to  himself  and  his  circle  of  friends,  confining  his 
movements  to  the  neighborhood  of  his  Grands- 
Augustins  studio  and  the  apartment  he  provided 
for  Marie-Therese  Walter  on  the  boulevard 
HenriTV.  Despite  sharing  the  very  real  physical 
deprivations  most  Parisians  endured  during  this 
period  and  regular,  intrusive  visits  from  the  Nazis, 
Picasso  worked  productively  in  his  studio.  Soon 
after  the  Liberation,  he  gave  James  Lord  a  rosy 
account  of  the  time.  "All  he  [Picasso]  wanted  in  life 
was  to  be  free  to  keep  on  working.  By  an  irony, 
he  added,  the  war  years  had  been  the  most 
peaceful  of  his  career.  Denounced  as  degenerate 
and  subversive,  forbidden  to  exhibit,  he  had  been 
left  in  peace  to  work  as  he  pleased."  Certainly, 
Picasso's  experience  was  more  harried  than  this 
retrospective  comment  implies,  but  it  does  capture 
the  tremendous  reduction  in  public  attention  that 
resulted  from  the  blackout  and  the  advantage 
he  took  of  it. 

Meanwhile,  concerned  people  across  Paris  and 
around  the  world  waited  for  news  of  Picasso's 
activities.  Probably  no  one  listened  more  attentively 


and  with  greater  devotion  than  Alfred  Barr.22 
When  Picasso  once  again  became  a  center 
of  media  attention  in  the  weeks  following  the 
Liberation,  Barr  labored  to  gather  all  the  published 
accounts,  canvas  mutual  friends,  and  even  question 
Picasso.  Barr  was  not  only  eager  to  catch  up  with 
Picasso's  recent  activities,  he  also  wanted  to  know 
whether  the  direct  political  engagement  evident  in 
Picasso's  prewar  art  had  continued,  all  in  prepa- 
ration for  an  updated  version  of  his  1939  catalogue, 
the  book  that  would  become  the  basic  text  on 
Picasso  for  decades,  Picasso:  Fifty  Years  of  His  Art. 
He  published  a  preliminary  account  of  his  findings 
in  the  Museum  of  Modern  Art  Bulletin  for  January 
1945,  "Picasso  1940-1944:  A  Digest  with  Notes." 
In  this  admittedly  provisional  analysis,  Barr 
affirmed  Picasso's  unique  importance  on  two 
fronts.  Highlighting  the  Nazis'  condemnation  of 
Picasso's  art,  Barr  cited  Dream  and  Lie  of  Franco  and 
Guernica  to  confirm  the  political  significance  of  his 
work.  (Barr  had  so  far  seen  only  a  small  number  of 
the  wartime  works,  mainly  in  reproduction.)  Barr 
also  found  patriotic  value  in  the  artist's  life  during 
the  Occupation.  "He  was  not  allowed  to  exhibit 
publicly  and  he  made  no  overt  gestures  but  his  very 
existence  in  Paris  encouraged  the  Resistance  artists, 
poets  and  intellectuals  who  gathered  in  his  studio  or 
about  his  cafe  table."  He  then  cited  Gladys  Delmas, 
"a  young  American  who  lived  through  the  occu- 
pation period  in  Paris":  "Picasso's  presence  here 
during  the  occupation  became  of  tremendous  occult 
importance  ...  his  work  has  become  a  sort  of  banner 
of  the  Resistance  Movement."2 ' 

Indeed,  Barr's  double-barreled  praise  largely 
reflected  the  opinion  of  respected  publications. 
In  late  October,  the  New  York  Times  Magazine  had 
reported  a  similar  status: 

Today  Picasso  stands  out  as  the  standard-bearer  of  the 
artistic  movement.  In  the  first  place,  his  attitude 
during  the  occupation  has  won  general  admiration. 
He  steadfastly  refused  to  fall  for  propaganda  wiles 
as  did  too  many  French  painters  and  sculptors.  He 
neither  exhibited  his  works  in  Paris  under  German 
auspices  nor  accepted  junketing  tours  through  the 
Reich  under  the  plea  that  "art  has  no  country."  And 


1 18      REPORTS  FROM  THE  HOME  FRONTS 


when  the  German  authorities  offered  him  coal  with 
which  to  heal  his  studio  he  replied  that  he  preferred 
to  freeze  -  like  most  Parisians.  For  these  reasons  - 
and  others  -  Picasso  occupies  the  place  of  honor  in  the 
Autumn  Salon/' 

As  a  matter  of  future  interest,  the  Times  reported 
without  comment  Picasso's  recent  affiliation  with 
the  Communist  Party  and  his  remark  that  he 
"prefers  not  to  discuss  this  matter." 

The  difference  between  Barr's  account  and  that 
of  the  Times  and  most  other  publications  is  the 
claim  that  Picasso  was  more  than  a  symbol  of  intel- 
lectual independence  to  Resistance  members,  that 
they  actually  gathered  in  his  studio  and  around 
him  at  cafes.  Christian  Zervos,  who  had  served  in 
the  Resistance,  immediately  fired  off  a  letter  of 
correction."' '  "I  have  just  read  the  note  you  have 
published  on  Picasso-as-Resistance  worker  in  the 
Bulletin  of  the  Museum.  For  the  love  of  Picasso, 
do  not  include  these  notes  in  a  book  on  the  artist." 
Going  on  to  criticize  the  sources  as  "bad  journalism," 
Zervos  declared  emphatically  that  Picasso  had  not 
been  active  in  the  Resistance:  "The  participation 
of  Picasso  in  the  Resistance  is  false.  Picasso  simply 
kept  his  dignity  during  the  Occupation  the  way 
millions  of  people  did  here.  But  he  never  got 
involved  in  the  Resistance.  Realize  that  his  work 
itself  is  the  greatest  form  of  resistance." 

No  doubt  startled  by  the  vehemence  of  Zervos's 
denial,  Barr  sought  to  question  Picasso  directly. 
Through  a  friend,  James  Plant,  who  had  been 
director  of  the  Museum  of  Contemporary  Art  in 
Boston  and  was  then  an  Office  of  Strategic  Services 
(OSS)  officer  leading  the  American  investigation  of 
Nazi  art  looting,  Barr  submitted  a  list  of  written 
queries  about  various  matters  to  Picasso's  secretary, 
Jaime  Sabartes,  who  supposedly  showed  them  to 
Picasso  and  noted  his  replies."  When  Plaut  sent 
Barr  the  responses  in  October  1945,  he  described 
the  process  and  his  concerns  about  the  results: 

/  enclose  herewith  the  Picasso  material.  The  circum- 
stances under  which  it  was  obtained  were  the  antici- 
pated ones.  P.  has  kept  himself  incommunicado  for  the 
past  month,  and  has  been  in  Paris  only  sporadically. 


.  .  .  I  laid  it  on  thick  with  S.  [Sabartes]  who 
responded  well  to  blandishments  (augmented  by 
cigars,  soap  and  chocolate!).  Even  he,  ifom  is  to 
believe  him,  has  seen  P.  very  seldom  of  late  .  .  .  S. 
obtained  answers  to  all  questions  which,  in  his  words, 
P.  considered  relevant.  I  [eel  that  they  an.  in  wm^ 
degree,  evasive  and  unsatisfactory  but  -  on  the  wholt 
-  they  are  rather  more  detailed  and  informative  than 
I  had  expected. 

Coming  from  a  seasoned  interrogator  accustomed 
to  grilling  Nazi  officials  and  collaborationist  dealers, 
this  ultimately  positive  judgment  deserves  respect 
especially  since  Picasso  answered  "no"  to  Ban's 
question  about  whether  the  Resistance  forces  had 
met  in  his  studio. 

When  Barr  prepared  the  final  text  for  Fifty  Years, 
he  largely  adhered  to  Zervos's  position.  Introducing 
his  discussion  with  Picasso's  refusal  of  offers 
of  sanctuary  in  America  and  noting  that  press 
accounts  of  his  activities  during  the  Occupation 
have  been  "embellished  by  journalistic  legend," 
he  nonetheless  asserted  Picasso's  great  symbolic 
importance  and  recounted  the  episode,  observed 
by  John  Groth,  of  Picasso's  being  solicited  by 
Eluard  to  be  the  first  artist  to  inscribe  a  book  for 
presentation  to  de  Gaulle. 

Picasso,  unlike  his  fiends  Paul  Eluard  and  another 
ex-Surrealist  poet  Louis  Aragon,  had  taken  no  active 
part  in  the  underground  Resistance  movement,  yet,  as 
has  been  indicated,  Picasso's  presence  in  Paris  while 
the  Germans  were  there  had  gradually  taken  on  an 
aura  of  great  symbolic  importance.  His  attitude  had 
been  passive  but  it  had  been  implacable  and  uncom- 
promising and  had  created  a  legend  which  had 
probably  been  more  effective  than  if  he  himself  had 
joined  the  F.F.I.  /Forces  francaises  de  T  interieurj 
and  gone  underground.^ 

Barr  must  have  been  well  aware  that  nothing  in 
Picasso's  past  suggested  that  he  would  have  taken 
this  extreme  course. 

If  Ban  revised  his  characterization  of  Picasso's 
life  during  the  Occupation,  he  pressed  further  the 
assertion  that  Picasso's  art  engaged  the  politics  ot 


MICH  Mill  l/C.I  K  M  I)      in 


FIG.  6 

Workers  hanging  pictures  by  Picasso  at  the  Salon  d'Automne, 

Paris,  October  1944. 


his  time.  Calling  the  Charnel  House  (cat.  no.  82) 
"Picasso's  most  important  postwar  composition," 
Barr  presented  it  as  the  answer  to  those  who 
doubted  the  seriousness  of  his  art,  or  sought  to 
explain  it  exclusively  in  terms  of  formal  issues. 
Lamenting  that  the  painting  was  not  finished  in 
time  to  be  included  in  the  Victoria  and  Albert 
exhibition  in  December  1945  of  Picasso's  and 
Matisse's  wartime  work,  Barr  offered  it  as  the 
proof  of  Picasso's  intentions: 

The  Charnel  House  might  have  sobered  those  who 
found  Picasso 's  distortions  an  outrageous  effrontery; 
it  might  have  embarrassed  those  defenders  who, 
ignoring  the  psychological  tensions  of  his  recent  art, 
still  tried  to  seek  refuge  in  the  esthetic  of  form  and 
color  so  dogmatically  popularized  in  the  1920s;  and 
it  might  have  stilled  those  who  demanded  that 
Picasso  deal  more  directly  and  explicitly  with  the 
state  of  the  world.1* 

Barr  then  gave  his  interpretation  of  how  Picasso's 
art  was  relevant:  "The  Guernica  was  a  modern 
Laocoon,  a  Calvary,  a  doom  picture.  Its  symbols 
transcend  the  fate  of  the  little  Basque  city  to 
prophesy  Rotterdam  and  London,  Kharkov  and 
Berlin,  Milan  and  Nagasaki  -  our  dark  age.  In  the 
Charnel  House there  are  no  symbols  and,  perhaps,  no 
prophecy.  Its  figures  are  facts  -  the  famished,  waxen 
cadavers  of  Buchenwald,  Dachau  and  Belsen."2!' 


When  the  wartime  paintings  were  first  shown,  at 
the  Salon  d'Automne  from  October  to  November 
1944,  their  specific  content  seems  to  have  been 
submerged  in  the  outcry  by  academics  and  anti- 
communists  over  the  decision  to  show  anything 
by  Picasso  in  an  official  setting  (figs.  6-7).  At  the 
Victoria  and  Albert  exhibition  of  works  by  Picasso 
and  Matisse,  the  focus  of  criticism  was,  again,  pri- 
marily the  reputations  of  the  artists  rather  than  the 
specific  work  on  view.  It  was  not  until  the  following 
summer,  when  Carre  held  an  exhibition  at  his 
gallery,  that  the  paintings  themselves  were  seriously 
examined  in  the  press.1"  Art  News  reported  a  wide- 
spread belief:  they  were  not  shocking  or  even 
particularly  surprising  to  those  who  knew  Picasso's 
earlier  work.  "To  Picasso's  American  audience, 
familiar  at  best  with  work  of  the  late  'thirties,  these 
oils  may  not  indicate  any  very  radical  departure."31 
Of  course,  everyone  except  a  small  circle  of  friends 
had  been  in  the  dark  about  the  recent  work.  As 
critics  became  more  familiar  with  it,  they  began  to 
identify  elements  of  style  and  subject  matter  that 
seemed  to  reflect  the  experience  of  the  war.  More 
than  any  other  published  source,  Harriet  and 
Sidney  Janis's  book  probably  attuned  audiences  to 
these  possibilities,  even  though  the  Janises  empha- 
sized formal  innovation  over  social  content.  By 
1947,  Art  News  reviewed  one  of  the  dealer  Samuel 
Kootz's  exhibitions  in  New  York  with  the  summary 
comment,  "Here  is  the  now  famous  war  style  of  vio- 
lently abstracted  sailors,  skulls,  and  tomato  plants."32 

Kootz's  appearance  is  indicative  of  the  state  of 
the  Picasso  market  in  the  early  postwar  years. 
Despite  Picasso's  considerable  productivity  during 
the  war  and  a  lack  of  buyers  that  had  resulted  in  a 
large  stock  of  paintings,  there  was  not  a  continuous 
outpouring  of  exhibitions  once  peace  arrived.  After 
the  celebratory  exhibitions  at  the  Salon  d'Automne 
and  the  Victoria  and  Albert  Museum,  relatively 
few  of  Picasso's  pictures  were  on  view  in  Paris  or 
New  York.  The  1945  exhibition  at  Carre's  gallery 
included  twenty-one  of  the  wartime  paintings,  a  few 
of  which  contained  relatively  obvious  references 
to  the  war.  The  following  summer,  Carre  held 
another  show.  Although  it  began  with  the  great 
prewar  canvas  Night  Fishing  at  Antibes  (cat.  no.  31), 


120     REPORTS  FROM  THK  HOME  FRONTS 


FIG   ~ 

Visitors  in  the  Picasso  exhibition  at  the  Salon  d'Automne,  Paris,  October 

I'M  I   Photograph b)  Robert Doisneau. 


the  selection  was  dominated  by  the  pastoral  work 
that  Picasso  had  done  in  spring  1940.  This  was 
Picasso's  last  exhibition  with  Carre,  and  no  other 
dealers  immediately  stepped  in  to  take  his  place. 
Picasso's  ties  with  Paul  Rosenberg  had  been 
permanently  severed  by  the  war,  and  Kahnweiler 
was  cautious  about  picking  up  the  contract.  As 
Francoise  Gilot  recounted,  Picasso  used  the  free- 
spending  Kootz  to  goad  Carre  and  Kahnweiler 
toward  greater  commitments. 

The  exhibitions  Kootz  presented  from  1947  to 
1948  were  high  on  hype  but  low  on  paintings  - 
both  numbers  and  quality."  By  1947,  Kahnweiler 
had  concluded  a  deal  to  represent  Picasso's  work, 
yet  he  did  not  hold  an  exhibition  of  the  paintings 
until  May  1953.' '  So,  during  the  late  forties  and 
earlv  fifties,  Picasso's  work  was  not  widely  shown. 
Even  when  they  were  available,  the  wartime  pic- 
tures, in  particular,  seem  not  to  have  been  in  great 
demand  by  buyers.  This  is  one  reason  why  Sallv 
and  Victor  Ganz  were  able  to  buy  important 
paintings  for  fairly  low  prices.  To  cite  only  one 
example,  in  1948  they  bought  Still  Life  with  Blood 
Sausage  (cat.  no.  42)  from  Kahnweiler  for  $5,000; 
Leiris  had  bought  it  from  Picasso  at  least  several 
years  earlier  (it  appears  in  a  photo  of  the  gallery; 
see  fig.  3).36 

But  il  Picasso's  work  was  not  widely  seen  during 


these  years,  his  name  was  more  frequentl)  in  the 
press.  When  Picasso  declared  his  adherence  to  the 
Communist  Party  in  October  19  1  1,  most  critics 
accepted  his  explanation  thai  he  was  expressing  an 
admiration  for  the  party's  leadership  in  the  Resis 
tance,  a  role  that  was  widely  admired  at  the  time. 
Despite  Picasso's  denial  that  his  work  was  program 
matic,  left-leaning  critics,  such  as  McCausland,  and 
reporters,  such  as  Jerome  Seckler,  saw  an  affirmation 
of  the  political  involvement  Picasso  had  shown  with 
Guernica,  and  sought  to  identify  it  in  his  current 
work.'   Certainly,  Picasso's  standing  as  a  man  of 
culture  grew  through  the  late  forties.  In  1917,  Life 
went  so  far  as  to  assert  that  "the  only  person  in 
France  who  can  compare  with  Picasso  as  a  subject 
of  conversation  is  Charles  de  Gaulle." 

Increasingly,  this  notoriety  rested  on  Picasso's 
association  with  the  party.  The  most  prominent 
events  were  his  participation  in  the  first  Congress 
of  Intellectuals  for  Peace  in  Wroclaw,  Poland,  in 
August  1.948,  the  Party  Conference  held  in  Paris  in 
April  1949,  and  the  Second  World  Peace  Confer- 
ence held  in  Sheffield,  England,  in  October  1950. 
By  that  year,  opinion  in  America  and  in  France 
was  tinged  with  disrespect.  The  New  York  Times  ran 
an  article  ridiculing  both  his  allegiance  to  the  party 
and  the  drawings  of  doves  he  had  provided  as 
emblems  of  world  peace.  And  the  newspaper  but- 
tressed its  account  by  relating  the  lambasting  he 
had  received  in  segments  of  the  French  press.  "  A 
few  years  later,  even  Alfred  Barr  admitted  privately 
his  disgust  with  Picasso's  political  activities.  After 
his  promotion  of  Picasso  as  a  force  against  dicta- 
torship, Barr  must  have  been  deeply  disappointed 
by  the  artist's  willingness  to  make  a  portrait  of 
Stalin  in  1953  and  paint  the  openly  propagandistic 
Massacre  in  Korea  (1951).4" 

To  a  considerable  extent,  the  blackout  of 
Picasso's  art  that  began  with  the  Occupation  con- 
tinued through  most  of  the  postwar  decade  and  left 
a  vacuum  of  expectations  that  was  filled  by  assump- 
tions about  the  man,  not  the  artist.  By  the  mid 
fifties,  he  would  grow  tired  of  the  farce,  drop  his 
public  involvement  in  politics,  and  withdraw  into  a 
personal  world  of  art."  But  during  the  previous 
fifteen  vears,  he  had  been,  in  a  sense,  besieged. 


MICHA1  I    I  I  I  /(.I  KAI.l)       121 


Guide  to  the  Use  of  the  Catalogue  Section 

In  the  catalogue  entries  accompanying  each  plate: 

For  the  dimensions  of  paintings,  drawings,  and 
prints,  height  precedes  width. 

For  the  dimensions  of  sculptures,  height  precedes 
width  precedes  depth. 

For  prints,  the  dimensions  given  are  for  the  plate. 

Dimensions,  in  general,  are  supplied  by  the  owner. 

Inscriptions  are  supplied  by  the  owner  or  gleaned 
from  literature  on  the  work.  It  has  not  been 
possible  to  directly  examine  each  work,  and  must 
therefore  be  accepted  that  certain  inscriptions 
may  be  misquoted  or  omitted. 

Abbreviated  bibliographic  references  refer  to  the 
following  list  of  selected  bibliographic  sources: 


Baer 

Baer,  Brigitte.  Catalogue  raisonne  de  I'oeuvre grave  et  des  monotypes, 
1935-1945.  Vol.  3  (1986)  of  Bernhard  Geiser  and  Brigitte 
Baer.  Picasso:  Peintre-graveur.  7  vols,  and  addendum.  Bern: 
Editions  Kornfeld,  1986-96. 

Boggs 

Boggs,Jean  Sutherland,  ed.  Picasso  &  Things:  The  Still  Lifes 
of  Picasso.  Exh.  cat.  Cleveland:  The  Cleveland  Museum 
of  Art,  1992. 

Cowling/Golding 

Cowling,  Elizabeth,  and  John  Golding.  Picasso:  Sculptor/ Painter. 
Exh.  cat.  London:  The  Tate  Gallery,  1994. 

Gohr 

Gohr,  Siegfried,  ed.  Picasso  im  Zweiten  Weltkrieg:  1939  bis  1945. 
Exh.  cat.  Cologne:  Museum  Ludwig,  1988. 

Janis 

Janis,  Harriet,  and  Sidney  Janis.  Picasso:  The  Recent  Years, 
1939-1946.  Garden  City,  N.Y.:  Doubleday,  1946. 

Leal 

Leal,  Brigitte.  Musee  Picasso:  Carnets.  Catalogue  des  dessins.  2  vols. 
Paris:  Editions  de  la  Reunion  des  Musees  Nationaux,  1996. 

Musee  Picasso  I 

Musee  Picasso:  Catalogue  sommaire  des  collections.  Peintures,  papiers 
colle's,  tableaux-reliefs,  sculptures,  ceramiques.  Paris:  Editions  de 
la  Reunion  des  Musees  Nationaux,  1985. 

Musee  Picasso  II 

Richet,  Michele.  Musee  Picasso:  Catalogue  sommaire  des  collections. 
Dessins,  aquarelles,  gouaches,  pastels.  Paris:  Editions  de  la 
Reunion  des  Musees  Nationaux,  1987. 

Rubin 

Rubin,  William,  ed.  Pablo  Picasso:  A  Retrospective.  Exh.  cat. 
New  York:  The  Museum  of  Modern  Art,  1980. 

Picasso  dation 

Picasso:  Une  nouvelle  dation.  Exh.  cat.  Paris:  Reunion  des 
Musees  Nationaux  -  Grand  Palais,    1990. 

Spies 

Spies,  Werner.  Die  Zeit  nach  Guernica  1937-1973.  Exh.  cat. 
Berlin:  Nationalgalerie  Staatliche  Museen,  1992. 

Spies/Piot 

Spies,  Werner,  and  Christine  Piot.  Picasso:  Das  plastische  Werk. 
Stuttgart:  Gerd  Hatje  Verlag,  1983. 

Ullmann 

Ullmann,  Ludwig.  Picasso  und  der  Krieg.  Bielefeld:  Karl  Kerber 
Verlag,  1993. 

Zervos 

Zervos,  Christian.  Pablo  Picasso.  33  vols.  Paris:  Editions 
Cahiers  d'Art,  1932-78. 


122 


r  ;jr *».*<**.  >*»*.._ 


Girl  Asleep  at  a  Table  (Interieur  a  la  femme  endormie) 

IS  December  1936 

Oil  on  canvas,  M     »  .">  I     in    97  >  1(0  cm) 

Signed  and  dated  at  lower  left:  18D.  XXXVI.  Picasso 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  The  Mi    and 

Mrs.  Klaus  Perls  Collection,  1!>!I7 
Photograph  l    1996  The  Metropolitan  Museum  ol  Art,  New  York 


Zervos  \  III.  109  ..>.  "Le  Pbfete" 


^g^^^^KT^ 


^^\--jv^j\^rC  % 


P<P^g^^\  xM„f.' 


Dream  and  Lie  of  Franco  (Sueno  y  mentira  de  Franco) 

8-9 January  and  7June  1937 

Et«  hing,  sugaj  lifi  acquatint,  and  scraper  on  copper  on  paper, 

12  16  x  16  %  in.  (31.7  x  42.2  cm)  each 

Stamped  signature  at  lower  right;  numbered  at  lower  left:  132/850; 

dated  in  the  plates:  8Janvier  1937  and  9 Janvier  1937-7 Juin  37 
Fine  Arts  Museums  of  San  Francisco,  Achenbach  Foundation  for  Graphic  Arts 

Baer,cat.noa  615  616;  Gohi   225;  Rubin,  340;  Spies,  14;  Ullmann,  figs.  86  K7 


124 


Zf-/-3P 


Figure 

28  January  1937 

Pencil  on  paper,  15  '%  x  12  i  in.  (40.2  x  31.5  cm) 

Signed  and  dated  at  lower  right:  28-1-37.  Picasso 

Pri\  ale  collection,  courlesv  (Juillernio  de  Osma  (Jailers .  Madrid 


Gohr,  95  as  "Modepuppe  und  Ertrinkende"  .  I  Umann 

■is  "Modepuppe  unci  Ertrinkende"  ;  Zervos  V1I1 


125 


Study  for  Guernica  (Head  of  a  Horse) 

2  May  1937 

Oil  on  canvas,  25%  x  36  :'L  in.  (65  x  92  cm) 

Dated  at  upper  left:  2  Mai  37 

Museo  Nacional  Centro  de  Arte  Reina  Sofia,  Madrid 


Gohr,  176;  Spies,  cat.  no.  2;  Ullmann,  fig  118;  Zervos  IX,  11  (as  "3  mai  1037") 


126 


Study  for  Guernica 

9  Ma\  1937 

Pencil  on  paper,  <)  i  x  17       in.  (2  l..~>  x  15.5  cm) 
Ifnseo  Nacional  Centre  de  Arte  Reina  Sofia.  Madrid 


Spies,  cat  no.  I;  Zervos  IX. 


127 


Study  for  Guernica  (Mother  and  Dead  Child) 

28  May  1937 

Crayon,  gouache,  and  collage  on  paper,  9  'L  x  1 1  '/<,  in.  (23  x  29  cm) 

Dated  lower  left:  28  Mai/37 

Museo  Nacional  Centro  de  Arte  Reina  Sofia,  Madrid 


Ullmann,  pi.  II;  Zervos  IX,  37 


7  [right] 

Weeping  Woman  with  Handkerchief 

26 June  1937 

Oil  on  canvas,  21  %  x  18  %  in.  (55  x  46  cm) 
Signed  and  inscribed  along  top  edge:  a  mon  ami  Zervos  Picasso 
Los  Angeles  County  Museum  of  Art,  gift  of  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  Thomas  Mitchell 


Spies,  cat  no.  15;  Ullmann,  pi.  XI;  Zervos  IX,  51  (as  "22  juin  1937") 


128 


129 


Weeping  Woman 

1  July  1937 

State  1 1 1 

Etching,  aquatint,  drypoint,  scraper  on  copper  on  paper, 

27  !4x  1!)  i  in.  (69.2  x  19.5  cm) 
Signed  at  lower  left:  Picasso;  numbered  at  lower  right:  3/15; 

dated  in  the  plate  at  lower  right:  1"  juilkt  37 
Gecht  Family  Collection,  Chicago 


B i   no  623  III;  Ullmann,  fig.  155 


130 


Weeping  Woman 

I  Jul)  1937 

State  VII 

Etching,  aquatint,  drypoint,  scraper  on  copper  on  paper, 

27  ',  x  1!)'.  in.  (69.2  x  I!)..".  cm) 
Signed  at  lower  right:  Picasso;  numbered  at  lower  left:  1.1/15; 

dated  in  the  plate  at  lower  right:  /   juiUet  37 
National  Gallery  of  Canada,  Ottawa 


li.ui.  c  at  no.  t>_'  t  VII 


I  II 


10 

Weeping  Woman  (I) 

4July  1937 

Drypoint  and  aquatint  on  paper,  13  %  x  9%  in.  (34.5  x  24.6  cm) 

Dated  in  the  margin  at  upper  right:  4  juillet  37  (I);  and  in  the 

plate  at  upper  right:  4 juillet  37.  (I) 
Private  collection 


Baer,  cat.  no.  (>2.S  A;  Ullmann,  fig.  158 


Weeping  Woman  (II) 

I  JuK  L937 

Drypoint  and  aquatint  on  paper,  13  %  x  9%  in.  (34.7  x  25  cm) 

Dated  in  the  margin  at  upper  left:  4 juillet  37  (II);  and  in  the 

plate  at  upper  left:  4 juillet  37.  (II) 
Private  c  ollection 


Baer,  cat.  no.  626  A;  1  fUmann,  fig.  159 


132 


-¥i  .*/Mt* 


Combat  in  the  Arena 

10  October  1937 

State  IV 

Drypoint,  scraper,  and  burin  on  coppei  on  paper.  15     ■  1914  in. 

19.6  x  I!)..",  cm) 
Signed  and  numbered  at  lower  left:   !  >/">!)  Picasso;  dated  in  the 

plate  at  lower  right:  10  Odobre  37 
Galerie  Louise  Leiris,  Paris 


Baer,  cal  no  629  IV  K 


133 


/&J* 


The  Supplicant 


18  December  1937 

Gouache  and  india  ink  on  wood  panel 

9  x  7  !4  in.  (24  x  18.5  cm) 
Dated  at  lower  left:  18  D  37. 
Musee  Picasso,  Paris 


Musee  Picasso  I.  Ml'   168;  Rubin,  345;  Spies, 
cat.  no.  17;  Ullmann,  pi.  XIV 


11  [right] 

Weeping  Woman 

1937 

Oil  on  canvas,  21  %  x  18  '/<  in.  (55  x  4(i  cm) 
National  Gallery  of  Victoria,  Melbourne 
Purchased  by  donors  of  the  Art  Foundation  of 
Victoria  with  the  assistance  of  Jack  and  Genia 
Liberman  family,  Founder  Benefactor,  1986 


Spies,  cat.  no.  14;  Ullmann,  pi.  XII  (as  "18.10.1937* 


134 


135 


« 

4 


15 

The  Cock 

29  March  1938 

Pastel  on  paper,  30 !4  x  21  %  in.  (77.5  x  55  cm) 
Signed  and  dated  at  lower  right:  Picasso/29.3.38. 
Pi  i\  ate  collection 

Rubin,  i".l;ZervosIX,  113 


136 


16 

Reclining  Nude 

17  May  1938 

Oil  on  canvas,  35  ••  *  Id  ••  in.  (90  x  1  IK. 5  cm) 

Dated  on  the  stretcher:  17.5.38. 

Private  collection 


Ullmann,  pi.  XV  as  "Okt  No\    1938");  Zervos  IX,  218  as  "Automne  1938" 

San  Irancisco  only 


137 


Woman  Sacrificing  a  Goat 

2()June  (?)  1938 

Graphite  on  paper,  9 14  x  17%  in.  (24.2  x  45.5  cm) 

Drawing  on  reverse  dated:  20.6.38 

Musee  Picasso,  Paris 


Musee  Picasso  II,  M.P.  1205(v);  Spies,  cat.  no.  18;  Ullmann,  fig.  176; 
Zervos  IX,  116  (as  "20  juin  1938") 

San  Francisco  only 


138 


18 

Woman  Standing  with  Arms  Spread 

5  July  L938 

Pen  and  India  ink  over  charcoal,  1^  -  8      in.   30.5  >  20.5  i  m 

Signed,  dated,  and  dedicated  ,u  lowei  right    I'kasso/pour 

Madame  Callery/5. 7,  18 
( Jalerie  Kosengart,  l.tu  erne 


Zervos  IX.  L78 


139 


lit 

Bathers  with  Crab 

10  July  1938 

India  ink  and  gouache  on  paper,  14  t  x  19  %  in.  (36.5  x  50.5  cm) 
Dated  at  upper  left:  10.7.38. 
Musee  Picasso,  Paris 

Musee  Picasso  II,  M.P.  1207;  Spies,  cat.  no.  25;  Zervos  IX,  172 
New  York  only 


140 


20 

Three  Figures 

10  August  1938 

Pen  and  ink  on  paper.  17     ■  jo  -  in.    1  1.5  ■  67.5  cm 
Signed  and  daled  at  lower  left:  10  Aoul  38  Picasso 
Private  collection 


ZervosIX.  200 


I  tl 


/» 


21 

Seated  Woman 

2\)  August  1938 

Oil  on  canvas,  2h  i  x  1!) '/,  in.  (65.1  x  FA).'!  cm) 

Dated  at  bottom  center:  29  At  38;  signed  at  lower  right:  Picassi 

Private  collection 


Rubin,  358:  Zervos  IX,  211 


142 


Tl 

Man  with  a  Straw  Hat  and  an  Ice  Cream  Cone 

30  August  1938 

Oil  on  canvas,  24  x  18  '&  in.  (61  x  4fi  cm) 
Dated  at  bottom  center:  30  A  38 
Musee  Picasso,  Paris 


Musee  I'ici-m,  [.  M  P  174:  Rubin.  360:  Zervoa  I\.  205 


143 


23 

Still  Life  with  Palette,  Candlestick,  and  Head  of  a  Minotaur 

4  November  1938 

Oil  on  canvas,  29  x  35  14  in.  (73.7  x  90.2  cm) 

Signed  at  lower  left:  Picasso;  dated  on  reverse  below  center:  4.11.38 

The  National  Museum  of  Modern  Art,  Kyoto 


Boggs,  cat.  no.  100;  Ullmann,  pi.  XVIII;  Zervos  IX,  23.5 


144 


24 

Still  Life  with  Candle,  Palette,  and  Black  Bull's  Head 

19  November  1938 

Oil  on  canvas,  38  It  x  51  '/,„  in.  (97  x  130  cm) 

Signed  at  upper  right:  Picasso;  dated  on  stretcher:  19  Novembrc  AS 

Menard  Art  Museum,  Aichi,  Japan 


Zervos  IV  240 


145 


25 

Woman  with  a  Tambourine 

Second  half  of  January  1939 

State  I 

Aquatint  and  scraper  on  copper  on  paper,  '26  '/<  x  20  fa  in. 

(66.5  x  51.2  cm) 
Collection  E.W.K.,  Bern 


Baer,  cat.  no.  646  I  (as  "Debut  1939");  Gohr,  66,  cat.  no.  61;  Ullmann,  Bg.  186 


146 


26 

Woman  with  a  Tambourine 

Second  half  of  January  l!>.i!> 
Slate  V(B) 

Aquatint  and  scraper  on  copper  on  paper,  2(>  ii  x  20     in 
66.5  v  51.2  cm 

Sinned  and  annotated:  PlCOSSO  hon  a  tirer 
Private  collection 


Baer,  cat  no  646  V(B    as  "D.-I.ut  1939");  Gohr,  57,  cat  do  61 


147 


27 

Bull's  Skull,  Fruit,  and  Pitcher 

29 January  1939 

Oil  on  canvas,  25  %  x  36  Vi  in.  (65  x  92  cm) 

Signed  and  dated  at  bottom  center:  29.1.39.  Picasso 

The  Cleveland  Museum  of  Art,  Leonard  C.  Hanna,  Jr.,  Fund  1985.57 


,  cat.  no.  102;  Ullmann,  pi.  XX;  Zervos  IX,  238 


148 


Head  of  a  Woman  (Dora  Maar) 

28  March  1939 

Oil  on  wood  panel,  2'A  Xi  x  17  i  in.  (59.8  x  4.">.1  cm) 
Signed  and  dated  at  lower  right:  Picasso/39;  dated  on  reverse:  28.3.39 
Solomon  R.  Guggenheim  Museum,  New  York,  Thannhauser 
Collection,  gilt,  Hilde  Thannhauser,  1!'7H 


149 


29 


Head  of  a  Woman 

1  April  1939 

Oil  on  canvas,  36  %  x  28  %  in.  (92  x  73  cm) 

Collection  of  Mrs.  Lindy  Bergman 


Cowling/Golding,  cat.  no.  Ill;  fanis,  pi.  53;  Rubin,  'U>'2\  Ullmann,  pi.  XXI;  Zervos  IX,  282 


150 


30 

Cat  Seizing  a  Bird 

22  April  1939 

Oil  on  canvas,  31     -  39     in.   81  ■  100  cm) 

Dated  at  upper  left:  22-4.39.\  dated  on  the  stretcher:  22 

Musee  Picasso,  Pai  is 


Musee  Picasso  I,  M.P.  178;  Spies,  cat   no  (>.V  Ai\<js  I\.  _" " > 


151 


Night  Fishing  at  Antibes 

August  1939 

Oil  on  canvas,  81  x  136  in.  (205.8  x  345.4  cm) 

The  Museum  of  Modern  Art,  New  York,  Mrs.  Simon  Guggenheim 

Fund 
CO  1998  The  Museum  of  Modern  Art,  New  York 


Janis,  pi.  5;  Rubin,  365;  Ullmann,  fig.  190;  Zervos  IX,  316 


152 


32 

Seated  Man  and  Woman  at  Her  Toilette 

20  September  1!);-!!) 

Gouache  and  india  ink  on  paper,  8  .  x  10  k  in.  (21  x  27  cm) 

Dated  at  upper  left:  20  Septembre/39.;  dated  on  reverse: 

Royan/20  Septembre/39/(I) 
Musee  Picasso,  Paris 


Musec  Picasso  II.  MP.  1221;  Spies,  cat.  no.  41;  Zervos  IV   131 
(as  "22  septembre  11)39") 

San  Francisco  mil) 


153 


Standing  Nude  and  Seated  Woman 

25  September  1939 

( )il  on  canvas,  16  '/&  x  13  in.  (41  x  33  cm) 

Signed  and  dated  at  lower  left:  25.9.39.  Picasso 

Private  collection,  courtesy  Guggenheim,  Asher  Associates  Inc. 


Ullmann,  fig.  223  [as  "Herbsl  1935" 


154 


II 

Sheep's  Skull 

I  October  1939 

Oil  and  india  ink  on  paper,  IS      •  25     in.    16.2  x  65  cm 

Dated  at  lower  right:  /    (klobre/39. 
Musee  Picasso,  Paris 


gs,  cat.  no.  Hi  I;  Musee  Picasso  II.  \l  P.  122  I;  Picasso  dation,  54;  Zervos  1\.  I  Is 
New  York  only 


155 


Flayed  Head  of  a  Sheep 


4  October  1939 

Oil  on  canvas,  19%  x  24  in.  (50  x  61  cm) 

Dated  at  lower  right:  4.10.39.;  dated  on  reverse:  Royan,  4.10.39 
Musee  des  Beaux-Arts,  Lyon  (on  deposit  from  the  Musee  Picasso, 
Paris) 


s,  cat.  no.  l(M;Janis,  pi.  103;  Picasso  dation,  cat.  no.  17;  Zeivos  IX,  351 
New  York  only 


156 


gsdur 


36 


Still  Life  with  Sheep 's  Skull 

6  October  1939 

Oil  on  canvas,  1!)  i  x  24  in.  (50.2  x  (>1  cm) 

Signed  at  upper  left:  I'icasso 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Marcos  Micha 


Boggs.  fig.  104b;  Spies,  cat  no.  54;  UUmann,  pi   XXII;  Zervos  X,  \22 


157 


HM»W"t™"**'**~*' 


37 

Three  Skulls  of  Sheep 

17  October  1939 

Oil  on  canvas,  25 %  x  35  in.  (65  x  89  cm) 
Dated  at  middle  right:  Royan  17.10.39. 

Marina  I'icasso  Collection  (Inv.  12!Mil),  courtesy  Galeriejan  Krugier, 
Ditesheim  &  Cie,  Geneva 


B  105    Picassn  1 1, in, >ii,  ."i  I;  rilm;inn,  pi.  XXIII;  Zervos  1\.  .'!  Ill 


158 


Woman  with  a  Green  Hat 

29  Octobei  1939 

Oil  on  canvas,  25     ■   19     in.   (>.">. I  ■  .">(). 2  cm 
Signed  and  dated  at  low ci  It-It    I'iiawn/J'i.lo  i') 
The  Phillips  Collet  turn.  Washington  D.C.,  gift  ol  th( 
Care)  Walker  Foundation,  1994 


i  ." 


160 


39  [left] 

Head  of  a  Bearded  Man 

7  January  1940 

Gouache  on  paper,  18%  x  Wht  in.  (4(>  x  38  cm) 

Signed  at  upper  right:  Picasso;  dated  at 

lower  left:  7-1-40. 
Galerie  Cazeau  Beraudiere,  Paris 

Zervos  X.  l'i  I 
New  York  only 


40 

Seated  Woman 

3  February  1940 

Oil,  cardboard,  and  wood  on  cardboard  box,  (i  t  x  1  ■  in. 

15.5  ■    I  I  5  (  m 
Dated  at  lower  right:  J. 2. 10.;  annotated  on  stretcher  on 

reverse:  Ce  bas-relief  peint  est  bien  dc  la  mam  dt  Pablo 

Picasso/Paul  Eluard/12.1.52 
Saminlung  Bcrggruen 


161 


II 

Head  of  a  Woman 

2  March  1940 

Oil  on  paper  mounted  on  canvas,  25  '/i  x  18  %  in.  (64  x  46  cm) 

Signed  and  dated  at  upper  right:  2.3. 40. /Picasso 

Private  collection,  Zurich 


42  [right] 

Still  Life  with  Blood  Sausage 

10  May  1941 

Oil  on  canvas,  36  lL  x  25  ~'L  in.  (92.7  x  65.8  cm) 

Signed  at  lower  left:  Picasso 

Collection  of  Tony  and  Gail  Ganz 


Jams.  pi.  98  las  "February  3,  1940");  Zervos  X,  299 


s,  cat.  no.  107;  Janis,  pi.  60;  Ullmann,  pi.  XXVIII;  Zervos  XI,  112 

Sun  Francisco  only 


162 


163 


I  ! 

Head  of  a  Woman 

25  Ma>  l'»  II 

Oil  on  canvas,  21  %  x  15  in.  (55  x  38  cm) 

Signed  on  reverse:  Picasso 

Narodni  Galerie,  1'rague 


Ullmann,  fig    !  i8  Zei   o    XI,  143 


44  [right] 

Woman  in  a  Gray  Hat  Seated  in  an  Armchair 

26 June  1941 

Oil  on  canvas,  36  '/>  x  28  %  in.  (92  x  73  cm) 
Private  collection 

Zeivos  XI,  l!)i) 


164 


165 


^D^Mfe 


166 


e<- 


PR 


1 5  [left] 

Woman  Seated  in  an  Armchair 

4  October  194] 

Oil  on  canvas.  39     •    II     in.    100  x  81  cm) 

Signed  and  dated  at  upper  right:  I. Octobre./41. /Picasso 

Henie-Onstad  An  Centre,  Hovikodden,  Norway 


Woman  Seated  in  an  Armchair 

12  October  194] 

Oil  on  cam  as.  II      ■  25     in.   80.7  ■  65  cm 

Signed  at  lower  left:  Picasso 

Kunstsammlung  Xordrhein  Westlalen.  Diisseldorl 


Gohr,  cat  oo   10;  Spies,  cal  do   55;  I  llni.inn.pl   XXXVIII;  Zervos  XI,  119 


Spies,  cal  no  63;  Zei  vos  XI    ;  i1 1 


167 


168 


17  [left] 

Bust  of  a  Woman 

1.5  October  1941 

Oil  on  canvas,  45  i  x  35  in.    1 16  x  89  cm 

Dated  on  reverse:  15.10.41 

l'n\  ate  collection 


18 

Still  Life  with  a  Pigeon 

13  November  1941 

Oil  on  cam  as.  23  i  x  28  I  in.   (>()  x  73  cm) 

Signed  at  upper  left:  Picasso:  dated  on  stn     In  //.  // 

Nagasaki  Prefectura]  Art  Museum 


Gohr,  cat  no   12;  Janis,  pi.  5<    as  "1942");  Ullmann,  pi   \\\ll 


L'llmann.  Bg.  278;  Zervos  XI,   I  18 

San  Francisco  mil) 


169 


ZK.HI- 


19 

Nude 

28  November  194] 

Ink  on  paper,  15%  x  12  in.  (40.5  x  30.5  cm) 
Signed  and  dated  at  lower  right:  Picasso/28.11.41. 
The  Solomon  R.  Guggenheim  Museum,  New  York 


50  [right] 

Head  of  a  Woman 

November  1941 

Oil  on  newspaper,  23  %  x  16%  in.  (60  x  43  cm) 

Musee  Picasso,  Paris 

Picasso  dation,  cat.  no.  69;  Ullmann,  fig.  262  (as  "4.11.1941") 

New  York  only 


170 


3TVNOI1VN  . 

3  I  M   1  1  ( M  ISM 
r|  ip  .i^'i-jii 

IflSUCQ 

j   SHOA-/.lll|  j 


3VN01S3 

OJIOA   09AB 

sid  zanor  as 


lYnoii »» «» now  in  ,  ' :  I !  S  r  P 

imiviisia  no  ]aiuiiA.io  ______ 


It  1    _^ 

•  #y»»— • 

WW* 

nsnoM  n  m  isaro  n 

UOI»7ni»'lMI'<l  ?1 

»«uaj»p*j)0A  pu»Jd 

afos-siavd 


• 


■m.i 

uti.il ap  N0I11IM  NO  »P  «i?|tHu(i,p 


3U)Dd01    DI3S 

ramuosud  aijcn 


ajioasrq.p 
*M«f  d##im  Jrna_r  3,M3ni 


sjroHsap 


sauDi?  ooo'8»i  rt  r.  *v  «_*  /_  bae  ! 

KWKisAai  in  __j     IOW  Z3SH3A..   I  I  U  \J?  3  U 


-IO*    511-d 


171 


.r>l 

Reclining  Nude 

16  December  1!*  1 1 

Watercolor  and  ink  on  paper,  11  %,  x  1.5  %  in.  (30  x  41  cm) 

Signed  and  dated  at  upper  right:  16. 12.41. /Picasso 

Private  collection,  courtesy  Guggenheim,  Asher  Associates  Inc. 

rilmann,  pi.  \I.IY,  Zervos  XI,  365 


52  [right] 

Face  (Visage) 

1941 

Charcoal  on  newspaper,  23  %  x  17  [L  in.  (60  x  43.5  cm) 
Marina  Picasso  Collection  (Inv.  12961),  courtesy  Galerie  fan 
Krugier,  Ditesheim  &  Cie,  Geneva 

Picasso  elation.  156;  Ullmanii,  lit;.  Iti'A;  Zervos  XI,  2!>0 


172 


UWJdtWA 


XIOS -S12V& 


a  /m/w//j'fWH>m/t/fv{)) 


173 


53 

Two  Nude  Women 

1941  (recto) 

Gouache  and  ink  on  paper 

Signed  at  lower  right:  Picasso 

Head  of  a  Woman 

194]  (verso) 

Ink  on  paper 

Signed  at  lower  right:  Picasso 

11  %x  15%  in.  (29.5x40  cm) 

Private  collection 


174 


".I 

Death  's  Head 

1941  (?) 

Bronze  and  copper.  9%x  8  i  x  12%  in.   2.~>  x  21  x  32  (  m 

Musee  Picasso,  Paris 

Boggs.  cat.  do    III    a-  "I'M  I"  .  Cowling  Golding,  cat.  no.  102;  Gohr,  89    I  18 
as  -I'M  I  .  [anis,  |.l    130;  Mus£e  Picasso  I,  M.P    126  (as  "1943");  Rubin 
Spies  I'int.  ,.n  Ti,.  219  II   as  "1943");  1  llm.mii.  figs   191  and  120  as"194 


175 


176 


55  [left] 

Still  Life  with  Steer's  Skull  and  Table 

6  April  1942 

Oil  on  canvas,  4(i  %  x  35  in.  (1 17  x  89  cm) 

Signed  at  upper  right:  Picasso;  dated  at  lower  right:  6.4.42. 

I'inacoteca  di  Brera,  Milan,  gift  of  Kniilio  and  Maria  Jesi 


.r><> 

Woman  in  a  Hat  Seated  in  an  Armchair 

23  April  1942 

Oil  on  canvas,  31 %  x  2.5%  in.  (81  x  (i.r>  cm) 

Dated  at  upper  right:  23.4.42 

Private  collection 


Boggs,  fig.  108b;  Cowling/Golding,  cat.  no.  1 12;  Janis,  pi.  102  (as  "3  April 
1942");  Spies,  cat  no.  58;  I'llmann.  pi.  XXXVI;  Zervos  XII.  35 


Zervos  XII.  I.t 


177 


57  [fop] 

Paris,  14  July  1942 

14  July  1942 

State  V  (positive) 

Etching,  scraper,  and  burin  on  zinc  on  paper, 

17 '/,  x  25 '/,  in.  (45.2  x  64.1  cm) 
Dated  in  the  plate  at  lower  left:  Paris  14  juillet  42 
Collection  E.W.K.,  Bern 


58 

Paris,  14  July  1942 

14  July  1942 

State  V  (negative) 

Etching,  scraper,  and  burin  on  zinc  on  paper, 

17'/,  x25'/,  in.  (45.2  x  64.1  cm) 
Dated  in  the  plate  at  lower  left:  Paris  14  juillet  42 
Collection  E.W.K.,  Bern 


Baer,  cat.  no.  682  V  (B);  Gohr,  74,  cat.  no.  71; 

I    llm. inn    h"      ;  '  I    .is  "lillkolls<  he  S/cllc" 


Baer,  cat.  no.  t>X_'  V  (Bb);  Gohr,  cat.  no.  71 


178 


/f)«:(C>A     ^    ■ 


59 


Man  with  a  Lamb 

19  Jul)  1942 

India  ink  on  paper,  26  i  x  8  %  in.  (67  x  '2'2. A  cm) 
Dated  at  upper  left:  19  juillet  42. 
Private  collection 


Zervoa  XII,  88 


179 


60 

Woman  in  Gray  (Paris) 

6  August  1942 

Oil  on  panel 

39%  x  31%  in.  (99.7x81  cm) 

Signed  at  upper  left:  Picasso 

The  Alex  Hillman  Family  Foundation  Collection 

New  York  only 


180 


61   [right] 

Woman  with  an  Artichoke 

1942 

Oil  on  canvas,  76  '/.  x  51  Vt  in.  (195  x  130  cm) 

Signed  at  lower  right:  Picasso 

Museum  Ludwig,  Ludwig  Collection,  Cologne 

Gohr,  cat.  no.  20;  Janis,  pi.  77;  Rubin,  368;  LIMmann,  pi.  XIII;  Zervos  XII,  1 
Not  included  in  exhibition 


181 


62 

Still  Life  with  Basket  of  Fruit 

1942 

Oil  on  canvas,  28  %  x  36  '/>  in.  (73  x  92  cm) 
Signed  at  lower  right:  Picasso 
Art  Depot,  Sweden 

Gohr,  181  (as  "1941");  Ullmann,  fig.  246  (as  "August  1942");  Zervos  XII,  110 


182 


63 

Flower  Vase  on  a  Table 

1942 

Oil  on  canvas,  AH      x  51  i  in.  (96.8  x  130.2  i  m 
Signed  at  bottom  center:  Picasso 
The  University  of  Iowa  Museum  of  Art, 
gift  of  Owen  and  Leone  Elliott 


183 


7^  //7^y^3' 


64 

Study  for  Man  with  a  Lamb:  The  Lamb 

26  March  1943 

India  ink  on  paper,  19%  x  26  in.  (50.5  x  66  cm) 

Dated  at  lower  left:  26  Mars  43 

Musee  Picasso,  Paris 


Musee  Picasso  II,  M.P.  1317;  Rubin,  376;  Spies,  cat.  no.  73; 
Ullmann,  fig.  330;  Zervos  XII,  299 

San  Francisco  only 


184 


65 

Study  for  Man  with  a  Lamb 

27-2!)  March  1943 

Ink  and  ink  wash  on  paper,  2fi  x  1!)  i  in.  ((>(>  x  50  cm) 
Dated  at  lower  right:  2.9  Mars  43/27  Mars  1 1 
Musee  Picasso,  Paris 


Music  Picasso  II.  M  P.  1  UK.  Spies,  cat  no.  76;  Zervos  XII,  298  as  "29  Mais  1943" 
New  York  iml\ 


185 


186 


i.i.  [left] 

Man  with  a  Lamb 

Ca.  March  1943 
Bronze 

87     •   10     <  30*  in.  (222.5  x  78  x  78  cm) 

Marked  on  roar  of  base:  No.  1  Cire  Perdue/C.  Valsuani 

Philadelphia  Museum  of  An,  gift  of  R.  Sturgis  and 

Mai  ion  B.  V.  Ingersoll 


Cowling/Golding,  cai  no   li|_>  as  "Februar)    March  1943");  Gohr,  117; 
Janis,  pi.  1  il .  Musee  I'n  .issn  I.  \ll'   I  ; i    ,i.    l ,  hi u.ii \  in  March  1943" 
Rubin,  177  as  °  1944°);  Spies,  cat  no  79  as  "Februar)  1943");  Spies  Rot, 
(ai  .no  280  II  as  "1944");  UUmann,  figs    135    136  as  "Februar) 


i,7 

First  Steps 

21  Ma>  1943 

Oil  on  canvas,  51     ■    18     in     I  10.2  ■  97.1  cm 

Signed  at  upper  right:  Picasso 
Yale  I'liiversit)  Art  CJallery,  New  Haven,  gifi 
ol  Stephen  C.  Clark 


Gohr,  cat  no  .' •  as  "6 Juli  I943");janis,  pi.  105;  Rubin, 
I  Umann,  fig    115;  Zervos  Mil    16 


i- 


68 

Buffet  at  the  Catalan 

30  May  1943 

Oil  on  canvas,  31 %  x  39  %  in.  (81  x  100  cm) 
Signed  at  upper  right:  Picasso 
Staatsgalerie  Stuttgart 


<  rohr,  cat  no.  26;  Ullmann,  pi.  XXIX;  Zervos  XIII,  26 


188 


JS$SP'  if"'"  * ' 

j 

k'" 

• 

t                            ill                                                                ■•       jTJ^B 

AN 

69 

//£<?</  o/fl  Woman 

3  June  1943 

Oil  on  paper  on  canvas,  2(i  ■•  x  20%  in.   (>(>.:!  x  .">1.1  cm 
Signed  at  lower  left:  Picasso;  dated  at  upper  left:   >'  ////>/  1J/IX 
The  Menil  Collection,  Houston 


189 


190 


7i)  [left] 

Atelier  Window 

3  July  1943 

Oil  on  canvas,  51  i  x  AH  in.  (130  x  !)(>..">  cm) 

Signed  and  dedicated  at  lower  left:  A  Mary  el  Leigh  Block  / 

I  cur  ami  /Picasso 
The  Israel  Museum,  Jerusalem,  gift  of  Mary  and  Leigh  Block 

to  the  America-Israel  Cultural  Foundation 


,57/7/  Life  with  Skull  and  Pitcher 

IS  August  1943 

Oil  on  canvas,  1!'     -  2  I  in.   50  x  61  cm) 

Signed  and  dated  at  lower  right:  I'lcano  I  ~>  A I  I  1 

Courtesy  Michael  Werner  Gallery,  New  York  and  Cologne 


Ullmann,  |.l   WW  11.  Zervos  XIII,  90 


Jams,  pi  22;  Spies,  cat  no.  85;  Ullmann,  Gg.  242;  Zervos  XIII.  68 


191 


192 


72  [left] 

Seated  Woman  (frontispiece  for  Contree) 

23  December  1943 
Robert  Desnos,  Contree  (Paris,  li)44) 
Etching,  9  i  x  5  H  in.  (24.5  x  13.1  cm) 
Signed  and  dated  in  the  plate  at  upper  right: 

Picasso/23.D.43 
Fine  Arts  Museums  of  San  Francisco,  Achenbach 

Foundation  for  Graphic  Art 


Baer,  cat.  no.  689;  I'llmann.  lis;.  _'7I 


73 

Wo  man  in  a  Long  Dress 

1943 

Bronze,  63  !A  x  21  IS  x  18  in.  (161.3  x  :>  i.i>  x  15.7  cm) 

Private  collection 


Cowling  (loldinj;.  1.11  no   ]()  I.  Jams.  pi.  130;  Spies  Rot,  cat  no  238.  II 
San  Francisco  onh 


193 


194 


75 


71 


The  Reaper  (Le  Faucheur) 


L943 

Bronze,  20  It  x  13  %  x  7  7„,  in.  (51  x  33.5  x  19.5  cm) 

Marked  on  left  side  of  base:  CIRE  PERDUE  PARIS  E.  RORECCHI 

Musee  Picasso,  Paris 


Reclining  Nude  and  Woman  Washing  Her  Feet 

18  April  1944 

Oil  on  canvas,  38  x  51  in.  (97  x  130  cm) 

Signed  at  lower  right:  Picasso;  dated  on  reverse:  18  avril  1 1 

Private  collection.  New  York 


[anis,  pi   II   as  "August  18,  1944");  Zervos  XIII,  273  (as  "August  18,  1944" 


Picasso  dation,  cat.  no.  4!);  Spies/Piot,  cat.  no  23  I.  I  'llinanii.  E 


195 


IV  ■*--.>        I       I 


76 

Woman  Washing  Her  Foot 

6  May  1944 

Graphite  with  incised  line  on  cream  wove  paper,  20  x  1.5  %  in. 

(50.7  x  38.fi  cm) 
Signed  and  dated  at  upper  left:  6  Mai  44/Picasso 
The  Art  Institute  of  Chicago,  bequest  of  Curt  Valentin 
Photograph  ©  The  Art  Institute  of  Chicago.  All  rights  reserved. 


Ullmann,  fig.  '272;  Zervos  XIII,  291 


77  [right] 

Cock  of  the  Liberation 

23  November  1944 

Oil  on  canvas,  39'/.  x  31'/.  in.  (100.3  x  80.7  cm) 
Signed  and  dated  at  lower  left:  Picasso/23.11.44. 
Milwaukee  Art  Museum,  gift  of  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  Harry  Lynde  Bradley 

Zervos  XIV,  40 


196 


197 


78 


Pitcher  and  Candle 

20  February  1945 

Oil  on  canvas,  36  VI  x  28  %  in.  (92  x  73  cm) 

Private  collection 


Zervos  XIV,  70 


198 


79 

Skull  and  Pitcher 

10  March  1945 

Oil  on  canvas,  28  &  x  M>  (  in.  (72.7  x  91.8  cm) 

Sinned  at  lower  right:  Picasso;  dated  on  the  reverse:  10.3.  15 

The  Mr-nil  Collection,  Houston 


Boggs.  Bg   U9a;Gohr,  124;  Spies,  cal  no  89;  Ullmann,  pi  XLVIII;  Zervos  XIV,  87 


199 


80 

Still  Life  with  Skull,  Leeks,  and  Pitcher 

14  March  1945 

Oil  on  canvas,  29  x  45%  in.  (73.6  x  116.6  cm) 

Dated  at  upper  left:  14.3.45.;  signed  at  lower  right:  Picasso 

Fine  Arts  Museums  of  San  Francisco,  museum  purchase, 

Whitney  Warren,  Jr.,  Fund,  in  memory  of  Mrs.  Adolph  B. 

Spreckels,  Grover  A.  Magnin  Bequest  Fund,  Roscoe  and 

Margaret  Oakes  Income  Fund,  and  bequest  of  Mr.  and  Mrs. 

Frederick  J.  Hellman  by  exchange 


Boggs,  fig.  119b;Janis,  pi.  65;  Zervos  XIV,  99 


200 


SI 

Skulls 

19  March  1945 

Ink,  ink  wash,  and  charcoal  on  paper,  1!)  (  x  2U  in.  (50.5  x  (>(>  cm) 

Dated  at  lower  left  center:  19.3.45. 

Musee  Picasso,  Paris 

Picasso  datum.  Ml'    1990-78 
San  Francisco  onh 


201 


82 

The  Charnel  House 

194.5  (with  additional  work  in  1946) 

Oil  and  charcoal  on  canvas,  78  i  x  98 '/,  in.  (199.8  x  250.1  cm) 

Signed  and  dated  at  lower  left:  Picasso/45 

The  Museum  of  Modern  Art,  New  York,  Mrs.  Sam  A.  Lewisohn 
Bequest  (by  exchange)  and  Mrs.  Marya  Bernard  Fund,  in 
memory  of  her  husband  Dr.  Bernard  Bernard,  and 
anonymous  funds,  1971 

©  1998  The  Museum  of  Modern  Art,  New  York 


Boggs,  fig.  118b;  Gohr,  87,  96;Janis,  pi.  If)  (as  "1944-");  Rubin,  389 
(as  "[194  l|    1945");  Spies,  cat.  no.  91;  Ullmann,  fig.  349  (as  "end 
1944/Summn  1945");  Zervos  XIV,  76 


83 

Monument  to  the  Spanish  Who  Died  for  France 
(Monument  aux  Espagnols  morts  pour  la  France) 

1945-47 

Oil  on  canvas,  7(i  %  x  .51  '/.  in.  (19.5  x  130  cm) 

Dedicated  at  bottom  center:  AUX  ESPAGNOLS  MORTS  POUR 

LA  FRANCE;  dated  on  the  stretcher:  31.1.47 
Museo  Nacional  Centra  de  Arte  Reina  Sofia,  Madrid 


Cowling/Golding,  cat.  no.  Ill:  Rubin.  393;  Ullmann,  pi.  XLVII 


202 


203 


204 


Chronology 


Steven  A.  Nash 


PICASSD 


JANUARY      19  3  7 

Having  left  the  chateau  of  Boisgeloup  in  Gisors,  Normandy,  alter 
separating  from  his  wife  Olga  Khokhlova,  Picasso  again  lives  in  Fans 
in  his  apartment  at  23,  rue  La  Boetie.  Toward  the  end  of  1936  he 

also  had  taken  a  studio  in  the  dealer  Amhroise  Yollard's  house  at  Le 
Tremblay-sur-Mauldre.  He  established  Marie  Therese  Walter  there 
with  their  daughter  Maya  and,  over  the  next  lew  years,  would  pay 
them  short  visits. 

Picasso  participates  in  an  exhibition  organized  at  the  Galerie  clu  front 
Populaire,  83,  rue  La  Boetie,  in  support  of  the  Republican  forces  in 
Spain.  The  exhibition  Braque,  Matisse,  Picasso  takes  place  at  the  (ialerie 
Paul  Rosenberg,  21,  rue  La  Boetie. 

With  the  help  of  Dora  Maar,  who  soon  after  takes  an  apartment 
nearby  in  the  rue  de  Savoie,  Picasso  finds  a  new  studio  at  7,  rue  des 
Grands- Augustins  (6th  arrondissement).  He  occupies  the  top  two  floors 
in  a  seventeenth-century  house  that  before  the  Revolution  was  the 
Hotel  de  Savoie-Carignan.  Traditionally  the  house  is  identified  as 
Balzac's  site  for  his  chef-d'oeuvre  inconnu.  Before  Picasso's  occupanc  v, 
the  actor  Jean-Louis  Barrault  used  the  upper  floor  as  a  rehearsal  hall, 
and  the  lower  floor  continued  to  be  used  by  a  weaving  shop.  Picasso 
also  now  rents  a  small  annex  studio  on  the  same  street  that  he  uses  to 
store  sculptures. 

l  -  Picasso,  with  Dora  Maar  and  his  son  Paulo,  visits  Max  Jacob  at  the 
Benedictine  abbey  at  St.-Benoit-sur-Loire,  where  Jacob  had  lived  since 
1921.  This  is  their  last  direct  contact. 

s  -  9  -  Picasso  etches  the  plates  for  the  Dream  and  Lie  oj  Franco  (cat. 
no.  2).  The  etchings,  with  a  separate  sheet  containing  a  poem  by 
Picasso,  are  sold  to  benefit  the  Spanish  Republic.  All  eighteen  designs 
in  the  sequence  are  also  printed  separately  as  postcards  for  sale. 

Around  midmonth,  a  delegation  from  the  Spanish  Republican 
government,  including  the  architectjosep  Lluis  Sert,  designer  of  the 
Spanish  Republican  Pavilion  for  the  1937  World's  Fair  in  Paris;  the 
writer  Louis  Aragon;Jose  Gaos,  general  commissioner  of  the  Spanish 
Pavilion;  Juan  Larrea,  poet  and  director  of  public  information  for  the 
Spanish  embassy;  and  Max  Aub,  the  cultural  delegate  for  the  Spanish 
embassy,  calls  upon  Picasso  in  the  rue  La  Boetie  to  invite  him  to  paint 
a  mural  for  the  Spanish  Pavilion,  originally  scheduled  to  open  on 
May  Day. 

In  mid-January  Jaime  Sabartes  moves  out  of  Picasso's  apartment, 
temporarily  interrupting  his  service  to  Picasso  as  secretary  and  confidant. 


FEBRUARY      193V 


OTHERS 


|left| 

Picasso  in  his  studio  in  al  7.  rue  des 
Grands  Auinisims,  wintei   I'M  I   I  5 
Photograph  1)\  1 1. mi  is  Lee 

[above] 

The  Spanish  Pavilion  al  the 

World's  Ian,  Pans,  mi  mine]   I1'  '" 


MARCH       1937 

Picasso  is  included  in  the  exhibition  marking  the  Cinquantenaire  of  the 
Societe  des  peintres-graveurs  francais  at  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale. 

Picasso  serves  on  the  organization  committee  for  the  exhibition  L'Arl 
Catalan  du  Xe  an  XVe  siecle,  presented  at  the  Musee  dujeu  de  Paume 
from  March  through  April. 


V   -   B       Malaga,  Picasso's  birthplace, 
falls  to  Franco's  troops. 


a  -  l  B       The  Battle  of  Madrid  is  fought 
between  Republican  and  Nationalist 
forces  in  Spain. 


205 


APRIL      193V 

An  exhibition  entitled  Picasso,  les  debuts  du  cubisme  opens  at  the  Galerie 
Pierre,  2,  rue  des  Beaux-Arts. 

l  -  3  a  -  The  exhibition  Recent  Works  of  Picasso  at  Rosenberg  and  Helft 
in  London  presents  twenty-nine  paintings  from  1930  to  1934. 

12-24-  The  Valentine  Gallery  in  New  York  shows  drawings, 
gouaches,  and  pastels  by  Picasso. 


2  6  -  Nazi  planes  of  the  Condor  Legion 
bomb  Guernica,  a  Basque  town  of  7,000 
inhabitants,  for  three  hours  on  its  Sunday 
market  day,  killing  1,654  and  wounding 
88!).  Accounts  of  the  attack,  including 
photographs,  are  carried  over  the  next 
few  days  by  the  French  newspapers 
Ce  Soir  and  L'Humanite,  providing  the 
inspiration  for  Picasso's  mural  Guernica. 


M  AY      19  3V 

1  -  Working  in  his  new  studio,  Picasso  begins  sketches  for  Guernica, 
producing  more  than  fifty  studies  in  all.  By  11  May  he  outlines  the 
composition  on  canvas.  Dora  photographs  the  painting  at  seven  different 
stages  over  its  approximately  month-long  period  of  development. 

Toward  the  end  of  May,  Andre  Malraux  and  the  Spanish  photographer 
and  essayist  Jose  Bergamin  visit  Picasso  and  see  the  almost  finished 
Guernica.  He  is  also  visited  by  Roland  Penrose  with  Henry  Moore,  and 
by  Salvador  Dali. 


2  4-  -  The  World's  Fair  is  inaugurated. 
By  26  November  it  has  attracted  over 
one  million  visitors.  The  various 
national  pavilions  contain  345  mural 
decorations  by  many  prominent  modern 
artists,  including  Fernand  Leger,  Robert 
Delaunay,  Joan  Miro,  and  Raoul  Dufy. 


JUNE      1937 

An  exhibition  of  early  works  by  Picasso  is  presented  at  the  Galerie 
Kate  Perls,  13,  rue  de  l'Abbaye. 

Guernica  is  installed  in  the  Spanish  Pavilion  by  mid-June. 

Jean  Cassou  publishes  his  monograph,  Picasso  (Paris:  Editions  Braun). 

V  -  Thirty-two  works  by  Picasso  are  included  in  Les  Maitres  de  I'art 
independant  1895-1937  at  the  Petit  Palais,  which  runs  until  October. 
Among  the  works  is  Les  Demoiselles  d'Avignon  (page  44,  fig.  7)  in  its  first 
official  public  exhibition. 


[above] 

Picasso  working  on  Guernica  in  his 
studio,  June  1SI37.  Photograph  by 
Dora  Maar.  Musee  Picasso,  Paris, 
Picasso  Archives. 

[left] 

Guernica  installed  in  the  Spanish 
Pavilion  al  the  World's  Fair  in  Paris, 
summer  \\)M,  with  Alexander  Calder's 
Mercury  Fountain  in  the  foreground. 
Photograph  by  Hugo  Herdeg. 


206      CHRONOLOGY 


J  U  LY      19  3V 


l   -  Picasso  works  through  seven  states  to  develop  his  large  etching  of 
the  Weeping  Woman. 

i  2  -  The  Spanish  Pavilion  opens,  three  weeks  late.  In  addition  to 
Guernica,  two  cement  sculptures  by  Picasso  trom  the  Boisgeloup  period 
-  Head  of  a  Woman  and  Woman  with  a  Vase-  are  exhibited  outside  the 
pavilion,  as  well  as  two  Boisgeloup  heads  (one  cement,  one  plaster), 
and  a  bronze  nude  on  the  third  floor.  The  iron  sculpture  La  Montserrat 
by  Julio  Gonzales,  the  mural  The  Reaper  (Le  Paucheur)  by  Mho,  and 
Alexander  Calder's  Mercury  Fountain  are  also  on  view.  Picasso's  etching 
of  the  Dream  and  Lie  of  Franco  is  available  on  sale  to  benefit  the 
Republican  cause. 

Despite  criticisms  of  the  painting  from  both  the  political  left  and 
right,  Guernica  attains  immediate  and  widespread  acclaim,  with 
reproductions  in  Life  (26  July),  Regards  (29  July),  the  first  issue  of 
Verve,  and  a  special  issue  of  Gahiers  d'Art  (vol.  12,  nos.  4-5)  including 
sixty-nine  illustrations  of  works  by  Picasso  and  texts  by  Christian 
Zervos,  Cassou,  Georges  Duthuit,  Larrea,  Amedee  Ozenfant, 
Paul  Eluard,  Michel  Leiris,  and  Bergamin. 

Following  the  opening,  Picasso  departs  for  Mougins  with  Dora, 
staying  at  the  Hotel  Vaste  Horizon.  Paul  and  Nusch  FJuard,  Penrose 
and  Lee  Miller,  Man  Ray,  and  Zervos  are  also  there.  The  dealer  Paul 
Rosenberg  visits  to  select  several  paintings  for  sale. 

i  a  -  The  Springfield  [Massachusetts]  Republican  publishes  a  statement 
made  by  Picasso  in  May  or  June  and  issued  at  the  time  of  an 
exhibition  of  Spanish  war  posters  shown  in  New  York  under 
the  auspices  of  the  North  American  Committee  to  Aid  Spanish 
Democracy.  Speaking  from  his  position  as  a  Spanish  artist,  but  also 
as  director  of  the  Museo  National  del  Prado,  an  honorary  title  given 
him  in  1936  by  the  Spanish  Republican  government,  Picasso  defends 
against  recent  attacks  the  record  of  the  Republicans  in  protecting  and 
preserving  Spanish  art  treasures. 

3D  -  Picasso  is  included  in  Origines  et  developpement  de  I'art  international 
independant  at  the  Musee  du  Jeu  de  Paume.  Until  31  October. 


i  b      In  Munich  Hitler  inaugurates  the 
Hans  der  Deutschen  Kunst  with  the 
(Imw,  Ihutu/u  .  lusstc/lung. 

19     The  exhibition  EntarteU  Kunst  is 
presented  in  Munich  at  the  old 

(  ialei  icgebiiude.  It  would  latei  Ha\  el  to 

Berlin  and  other  large  cities  in  German) 

and  Austria,  attracting  major  audiences. 
Until  30  November. 

l  9      Max  Beckmann  emigrates  from 
Germain  to  Amsterdam. 

28  -  Lyonel  Feininger  emigrates  from 
German)  to  America. 


An  exhibition  of  work  b\  living  French 
artists,  entitled  Ausstellung  Franzpsischei 
Kunst  der  Gegenwart,  is  organized  by  the 
Association  francaise  d'action  artistique, 
part  of  the  French  Ministr)  For  foreign 
Affairs,  for  the  Berlin  Akademie  der 
Kunste.  Among  the  better-known  at  lists 
included  are  Leger,  Georges  Braque, 
Henri  Matisse,  Andre  Derain,  Maurice 
de  Vlaminck,  and  Aristide  Maillol. 


SEPTEMBER       1937 

Toward  the  end  of  the  month,  Picasso  returns  to  Paris. 


Lazlo  Moholv-.\ag\  emigrates  to  the 
United  States. 


(HKONOI  (>(,->        .'117 


OCTOBER      1937 

Picasso  travels  to  Switzerland,  where  he  visits  Paul  Klee  in  Bern.  He 
sees  Bernhard  Geiser,  who  later  catalogues  his  etchings,  and  reportedly 
conducts  banking  business  in  Geneva. 

The  first  installation  by  the  newly  formed  Musee  d'Art  Vivant  opens 
at  the  Maison  de  la  Culture  in  Paris,  and  includes  works  by  Picasso. 

1  4  —  The  Carnegie  International  exhibition  opens  in  Pittsburgh,  with 
Picasso  included  among  the  artists  representing  France. 

2  6-  Picasso  completes  the  painting  Weeping  Woman  (Tate  Gallery, 
London). 


NOVEMBER       193V 

The  Conseil  des  musees  nationaux  rejects  by  a  vote  of  nine  to  five 
a  Picasso  still-life  painting,  Still  Life  with  White  Pitcher,  purchased  at 
auction  in  June  for  56,500  francs  by  the  French  government  for  the 
Musee  du  Jeu  de  Paume. 

An  exhibition  Picasso  from  1901  to  1937  appears  at  the  Valentine 
Gallery  in  New  York. 

l  -  2D  -Jacques  Seligman  and  Company,  New  York,  presents  20  Years 
in  the  Evolution  of  Picasso,  1903-1923. 

5  -  The  sale  at  the  Hotel  Drouot  in  Paris  of  the  well-known  collection 
amassed  by  the  investment  group  Oeil  Clair  includes  a  cubist  painting 
by  Picasso. 

9  -  Picasso  gathers  with  various  artists  and  writers  at  the  tomb  of 
Guillaume  Apollinaire  in  Pere-Lachaise  Cemetery  for  the  annual 
commemoration  of  his  death.  This  event  continues  through  the  war 
years.  On  this  occasion,  Picasso  refuses  to  shake  the  hand  of  the  Italian 
theorist  Filippo  Tomasso  Marinetti,  offering  the  rejoinder,  "You  forget 
that  we  are  at  war." 


DECEMBER      1937 

l  V  -  The  exhibition  L'  Art  cruel  at  the  Galerie  Billiet  in  Paris  includes 
works  by  Picasso  and  a  catalogue  preface  by  Cassou  protesting  the 
war  in  Spain.  Until  6  January  1938. 

l  9  -  The  New  York  Times  publishes  a  statement  by  Picasso  addressed 
to  the  American  Artists'  Congress  in  New  York,  expanding  upon  his 
statement  of  IS  July  1937  in  the  Springfield  Republican  and  defending 
again  the  Spanish  Republican  government  against  propaganda  claims 
that  it  has  allowed  the  destruction  of  Spanish  art  treasures:  "Artists 
who  live  and  work  with  spiritual  values  cannot  and  should  not  remain 
indifferent  to  a  conflict  in  which  the  highest  values  of  humanity  and 
civilization  are  at  stake." 

3D-  The  Galerie  La  Boetie  in  Paris  shows  works  by  Picasso  in  an 
exhibition  organized  with  the  Amis  du  front  populaire  to  benefit 
children  of  Spain.  Until  20  January  1938. 


208      CHRONOLOGY 


JANUARY      1  9  3  S 


The  Exposition  Internationale  du  surrealism*  at  the  Galerie  Beaux  Arts, 
140,  rue  du  Faubourg  Saint  Honore,  contains  two  paintings  1>\  Picasso. 

Guernica  is  included  in  a  large  traveling  exhibition  of  works  by  Picasso, 
Matisse,  Braque,  and  Henri  Laurens,  opening  at  the  Kunstneines  llus 
in  Oslo  and  moving  to  the  Statens  Museum  fur  Kunst  in  Copenhagen, 
Liljevalchs  Konsthall  in  Stockholm,  and  Konsthallen  in  Goteborg, 
finally  closing  in  April. 


9  -  Spanish  Republican  louts  vvin  an 
important  battle  foi  the  ( it)  ol  Teruel  in 
Aragon,  but  then  lose  the  cit)  again  on 
12  February. 


FEBRUARY      1  9  3  B 


i  5  -  Picasso  completes  Woman  with  a  Cock  (private  collection, 
Switzerland). 


MARCH       1  9  3  B 


APRIL      1  9  3  B 

Picasso  and  Sabartes  meet  unexpectedly'  in  the  street,  and  a 
reconciliation  ensues.  Picasso  introduces  his  new  dog  Kazbek,  who 
has  replaced  Elfi  (now  retired  to  the  chateau  of  Boisgeloup),  and 
who  figures  in  numerous  works  from  the  war  years. 


JUNE       1  9  3  B 

Picasso  is  included  in  an  exhibition  at  the  Galerie  de  Beaune  in  Paris, 
organized  in  memory  of  Apollinaire. 

Picasso  by  Gertrude  Stein  (Paris:  Librarie  Floury)  is  published. 

J  U  LY      1  9  3  B 

Picasso  returns  to  Mougins  with  Dora  for  the  summer,  staying  again 
at  the  Hotel  Vaste  Horizon  with  the  Eluards.  A  young  woman  named 
Ines  who  works  at  the  hotel  will  go  to  Paris  in  the  autumn  to  work  for 
Picasso  as  a  housekeeper.  She  marries  Gustave  Susaier  in  1940,  has 
a  son,  and  continues  for  years  to  work  in  Picasso's  household, 
occasionally  appearing  in  his  art.  Some  authors  place  the  date  of 
their  meeting  a  year  or  two  earlier. 

Picasso  visits  Matisse  at  Cimiez,  above  Nice. 

Works  by  Picasso  are  included  in  an  exhibition  at  the  Galerie  Jeanne 
Bucher  in  Paris,  organized  to  benefit  Spanish  children. 


ii  -  With  the  Anschluss,  German) 

annexes  Austria;  German  troops  enter 
Austria  on  12  March. 

16-lB-  German  and  Italian  planes 
bomb  Barcelona,  killing  1,300  and 
wounding  2,000. 


1'h  asso's  Uuli. in  bound  K.i/ln-k 
in  the  rue  des  '  irands  Vugustins 
studio,  I'M  I   Photograph  b}  Brassaj 


(1IKONOI  <)(.V       -MI'I 


SEPTEMBER      1938 

Picasso  returns  to  Paris.  Shortly  after,  perhaps  alarmed  by  preparations 
around  Paris  to  protect  the  city  from  aerial  bombardments,  he  goes  to 
Le  Tremblay-sur-Mauldre,  joining  Marie-Therese  and  Maya. 

5  -  French  troops  move  into  position 
along  the  Maginot  line. 

2  9  -  The  Munich  Accord  is  signed 
by  representatives  of  Britain,  France, 
Germany,  and  Italy,  supposedly 
guaranteeing  "peace  in  our  time,"  but 
sanctioning  the  transfer  of  Czech  lands 
to  Germany. 

DCTDBER      193S 

Picasso  sojourns  in  Vezelay  with  the  Zervoses. 

4  -  2  9  -  In  an  exhibition  organized  by  Penrose,  Herbert  Read,  and 
Edouard  Mesens,  Guernica  is  shown  with  more  than  sixty  studies  at 
the  New  Burlington  Galleries  in  London  under  the  auspices  of  the 
National  Joint  Committee  for  Spanish  Relief.  A  pro-Franco  exhibition 
of  work  by  the  Spanish  artist  Ignacio  Zuloaga  is  held  concurrently. 
Afterward,  Picasso's  works  also  are  shown  at  the  Whitechapel  Gallery 
in  London  and  in  Manchester  (but  apparently  not  in  Leeds  or 
Liverpool,  as  commonly  reported). 

i  9  -  The  exhibition  Picasso  and  Matisse  appears  at  the  Museum  of 
Modern  Art  in  Boston.  Until  11  November. 

The  volunteer  International  Brigade 
fighting  on  the  Republican  side  in  Spain 
is  disbanded. 

Oskar  Kokoschka  and  John  Heartfield 
emigrate  from  Czechoslovakia  to 
London. 

NOVEMBER      193S 

Picasso  donates  1()(),()()()  francs  to  the  Comite  d'aide  a  l'Espagne  for 
the  purchase  of  milk  for  Spanish  children. 

The  exhibition  Art  francais  contemporain  at  the  Palais  des  Beaux-Arts 
contains  a  room  dedicated  to  Picasso. 

v  -26  -  A  Picasso  exhibition  entitled  21  Paintings  -  1908  to  1934 
appears  at  the  Valentine  Gallery,  New  York. 

9  -  The  Kristallnacht  pogrom  in 
Germany  devastatesjewish  businesses 
and  synagogues. 

DECEMBER      193S 

Picasso  is  confined  in  bed  by  an  attack  of  sciatica. 

New  issue  of  Cahiers  d'Art  is  devoted  to  Picasso  and  El  Greco,  with  an 
article  on  Picasso  by  Zervos,  a  poem  ("A  Pablo  Picasso")  by  Eluard, 
and  illustrations  of  120  works  from  1926  to  1938. 

J  A  N  U  A  R  Y      19  3  9 

Picasso  works  nearly  every  day  for  several  months  at  Roger 
Lacouriere's  print  workshop  in  the  rue  Foyatier  in  Montmartre, 
mostly  on  a  long  series  of  etchings  reproducing  his  writings  with 
marginalia  added  to  each  page.  The  intended  book,  which  Vollard 
wanted  to  publish,  is  never  completed. 

l  3  -  Picasso's  mother  dies  in  Barcelona.  Because  of  the  war,  he  is 
unable  to  attend  the  funeral. 

1  v  -  An  exhibition  at  the  Paul  Rosenberg  gallery  in  Paris  features 
thirty-three  works  by  Picasso  from  the  past  three  years. 

3D  -  Ten  works  by  Picasso  are  included  in  Figure  Paintings  at  the 
Marie  Harriman  Gallery  in  New  York.  Until  18  February. 

2  6  -  Barcelona  surrenders  to  Franco. 
Picasso's  nephews,  Fin  and  Javier  Vilato, 
have  been  fighting  on  the  Republican  side. 

210      CHRONOLOGY 


FEBRUARY       1939 

Picasso's  nephews  lice  Spain  Ibr  Pans.  Picasso  consigns  them  to  the 
Lacouriere  workshop  to  learn  printing.  Many  other  Spanish  refugees 
pour  into  France,  and  man)  oi  them  come  to  see  Picasso. 


MARCH       1939 


Picasso:  Recent  Works  is  shown  at  Rosenberg  and  Hellt  in  London, 


l  5  -  Adolph  Hitln  entei  s  Prague. 


z a      Madrid  falls  to  General  Francisco 

Works  bv  Picasso  are  included  in  the  exhibition  on  Les  Ballets  Ritsses 

Fran<  o. 

(It  Diaghilev  at  the  Musee  des  Arts  Decoratifs. 

APRIL      1939 

B       Itah  annexes  Albania. 

M  AY      19  3  9 

The  exhibition  Picasso  in  English  Collections  appears  at  the  London 

22  -  In  Berlin,  Italy  and  German)  sign 

Gallery,  London. 

a  pact  of  cooperation. 

5  -29  -  Guernica  and  approximately  sixty  related  studies  are  shown 
at  the  Valentine  Gallery  in  New  York  under  the  auspices  of  the 
American  Artists'  Congress  to  benefit  the  Spanish  Refugee  Relief 
Campaign.  They  subsequently  travel  to  the  Stendahl  Gallery  in  Los 
Angeles,  the  San  Francisco  Museum  of  Art,  and  the  Arts  Club  of 
Chicago  before  returning  to  New  York  in  November  for  the  Picasso 
retrospective  at  the  Museum  of  Modern  Art. 


JUNE      1939 

In  one  wing  of  his  Grands-Augustins  studio,  Picasso  installs  the 
engraving  press  that  had  belonged  to  Louis  Fort  and  had  recently 
been  housed  at  the  chateau  of  Boisgeloup.  Other  work  is  also 
undertaken  at  the  studio,  including  the  installation  of  central  heating. 


3D  -  The  German  government  condiu  ts 
a  major  sale  of  "entartete  kunst"  at  the 
Galerie  Fischer  in  Lucerne,  Switzerland, 
selling  around  300  paintings  and  3,000 
works  on  paper,  including  four  works 
by  Picasso  that  fetch  prices  among  the 
highest  in  the  entire  auction.  Until  4 July. 


J  U  LY      19  3  9 

B  -  Picasso  and  Dora  travel  by  Train  Bleu  to  Antibes,  where  the\  rent 
an  apartment  that  had  been  occupied  by  Man  Ray. 

By  l  9  -  Marie-Therese  and  Maya  relocate  to  Royan,  a  seaside  cit\  on 
the  southern  Atlantic  Coast,  presumably  as  a  precaution  owing  to  the 
increasing  threats  of  war. 

23  -  Picasso  hurries  back  to  Paris  for  Vollard's  funeral,  which  is 
held  on  the  28 July  at  the  Basilique  Sainte-Clotilde.  Among  those  in 
attendance  are  Marc  Chagall,  Paul  Valery,  Maurice  Denis,  Maillol, 
Georges  Rouault,  Dufy,  and  Derain. 

29  -  Picasso  invites  Sabartes  to  accompam  him  south.  His  chauffeur 
Marcel  drives  them,  stopping  the  next  morning  in  Freus  to  attend  a 
bullfight.  After  their  arrival  in  Antibes,  Picasso  escorts  Sabartes  on  a 
tour  of  towns  along  the  coast.  In  his  apartment,  he  converts  one  of  two 
main  rooms  into  a  studio,  attaching  three  unequal  pieces  of  canvas 
directly  to  the  walls  and  eventual!)  using  the  largest  for  Night  Fishing 
at  Antibes  (cat.  no.  31). 


22  -  Vbllard  dies  in  a  hospital  in 
Versailles  following  an  automobile 
accident. 


(   IIKONOI  (U.V       1\\ 


AUGUST      1939 

Inspired  by  scenes  around  the  port  of  Antibes  but  also  by  concerns 
over  war,  Picasso  completes  Night  Fishing  at  Antibes. 

2  6-  With  the  announcement  by  the  French  government  of  general 
mobilization,  Picasso  decides  to  return  to  Paris,  departing  with  Dora 
Maar  and  Sabartes  by  train  and  leaving  Marcel  to  drive  back  with 
the  summer's  art  work. 


2  3-  The  Soviets  sign  a  nonaggression 
pact  with  Germany,  leading  the  French 
government  to  ban  the  Communist  Party. 
The  USSR  occupies  part  of  Poland  and 
other  Baltic  states. 


SEPTEMBER      1939 

3  -  Picasso  flees  Paris  in  a  car  driven  by  Marcel,  with  Dora,  Sabartes 
and  his  wife,  and  his  dog  Kazbek.  (Sabartes  supplies  this  date  but 
elsewhere  gives  the  departure  date  as  29  August;  some  authors  give  1 
September  as  the  date.)  They  leave  near  midnight,  drive  all  night,  and 
arrive  in  Royan  the  following  morning.  Marie-Therese  and  Maya  are 
living  at  the  villa  Gerbier  de  Jones.  Picasso  and  Dora  Maar  take  rooms 
at  the  Hotel  du  Tigre.  He  sets  up  a  studio  at  Gerbier  de  Jones  and  later, 
on  4  January,  finds  an  apartment  to  rent  for  studio  space  in  the  villa 
Les  Voiliers,  located  next  to  the  Hotel  de  Paris  (later  the  headquarters 
of  the  German  command)  and  offering  a  clear  view  of  the  sea. 

V  -  After  a  public  announcement  that  all  foreigners  who  had  arrived 
in  Royan  after  25  August  could  not  remain,  Picasso  returns  by  car  to 
Paris  with  Sabartes  and  Marcel  to  obtain  a  residency  permit,  promptly 
leaving  again  for  Royan  on  8  September. 


1  -  Germany  invades  Poland. 

3  -  Britain  and  France  declare  war 
against  Germany. 


DCTOBER      1939 


i  2  -  2  2  or  2  e  -  According  to  some  sources,  Picasso  makes  a  second 


trip  back  to  Paris. 


NDVEMBER      1939 


1  2  -26 

to  Paris. 


According  to  Sabartes,  Picasso  returns  for  the  second  time 


3D  -  The  USSR  invades  Finland. 


1  5  -  The  Museum  of  Modern  Art  in  New  York  presents  Picasso:  Forty 
Years  of  His  Art,  containing  344  works.  The  exhibition  would  later 
travel  in  modified  versions  to  the  Art  Institute  of  Chicago,  City  Art 
Museum  in  Saint  Louis,  Museum  of  Fine  Arts  in  Boston,  Cincinnati 
Art  Museum,  Cleveland  Museum  of  Art,  Isaac  Delgado  Museum  of 
Art  in  New  Orleans,  Minneapolis  Institute  of  Arts,  and  Carnegie 
Institute  in  Pittsburgh.  After  the  close  of  the  show,  Picasso  leaves  the 
art  in  the  United  States,  some  of  it  then  appearing  in  smaller  traveling 
exhibitions.  Until  7January  1940. 


DECEMBER       1939 

5  -  2  l  -  Picasso  makes  another  trip  to  Paris  with  Sabartes. 


JANUARY      194D 

3  -  Picasso  meets  Andree  Rolland  and  agrees  to  rent  from  her  an 
apartment  in  the  villa  Les  Voiliers  for  a  studio.  It  is  on  the  third 
floor  with  windows  onto  the  sea.  He  occupies  the  apartment  later 
in  the  month. 


FEBRUARY      194D 

5  -29  —  Picasso  returns  to  Paris.  He  and  Miro  visit  Yvonne  Zervos 
at  her  Galerie  Mai  at  12,  rue  Bonaparte. 


Andre  Breton  visits  Royan  from  January 
to  July. 


212      CHRONOLOGY 


MARCH       194D 

i  5  -  Picasso  visits  Paris  again  by  himself,  and  stays  two  months. 
Until  mid-May. 


Drawings  in  a  Royan  sketchbook  dated  between  A  and  1  1  March 
show  the  development  of  Woman  Dressing  Her  Hair    The  Museum  ol 
Modern  Art,  New  York). 

APRIL      1940 

l  l   -  Breton  writes  to  Picasso  from  Poitiers,  thanking  him  for  the  offer 
of  a  painting  that  could  be  sold  for  living  expenses,  "mes  seuls  movens 
de  vivre  d'ici  pen  de  temps." 

l  9  -  An  exhibition  of  gouaches  and  watei  colors  by  Picasso  takes 
place  at  the  Galerie  Mai.  Until  IK  May. 

Germain  invades  Denmark  and  Norway. 

M  AY      1  9  4  D 

V  -  An  exhibition  l\  intres-Graveurs  fran^ais  opens  at  the  Bibliotheque 
Xationalc,  with  works  bv  Picasso. 

Picasso  meets  Matisse  in  the  street,  and  they  share  views  on  the  sorr\ 
state  of  France's  military.  Picasso  quips  that  the  generals  are  from  the 
Ecole  des  Beaux-Arts. 

l  s  -  Picasso  departs  Paris  for  Royan  by  train.  Millions  of  refugees  are 
fleeing  southward  in  advance  of  the  German  invasion. 


1  D  -  Beginning  of  the  German  aerial 
attack  on  the  Netherlands  and  Belgium, 
followed  immediately  by  invasion. 

1  2  -  German  troops  cross  the  border 
from  Belgium  into  France. 

zb-  Belgium  surrenders. 

Jacques  Lipchitz  flees  Paris  for  Toulouse; 
he  emigrates  to  the  U.S.  in  1941.  Miro 
leaves  France  for  Pal  ma  de  Mallorca. 


JUNE      194D 

l  D  —  Zervos  writes  to  Picasso  in  Royan  with  news  of  the  German 
advance.  A  soldier  had  reported  to  him  that  what  the  Germans  did  to 
Gisors  "exceeds  all  imagination  .  .  .  the  city  is  absolutely  in  ruins." 


3  -  Germans  bomb  the  Paris  airports. 

ID  —  Italy  declares  war  on  France  and 
Great  Britain;  the  French  government 
abandons  Paris. 

1  2  -  Daniel-Hem  v  Kahnweiler  and  his 
wife  flee  Paris,  taking  up  residence  in 
Limousin  near  St.-Leonard-de-Noblat. 
Later,  fearing  the  gestapo,  they  hide 
under  false  identitv  in  the  village  of 
Lagupie  in  Gasconv. 

14-  -  German  troops  enter  Pans. 

i  6  -  Paul  Reynaud  resigns  as  premier  ol 
France;  Marshal  Philippe  Petain  replaces 
him.  The  French  cabinet  votes  lor  peace 
with  Germain. 


j.iltux  e] 

(  on  i  ri  ol  Picasso's  si  in  I  ic  i  in  tin-  villa  Les  Voiliers, 
Royan,  ini  hiding  mi  the  wall  the  incomplete  first 
version  ol  Head  of  a  Bull,  1940  Photograph  b) 
Pablo  Picasso  Musee  Picasso   Paris,  Picasso 
An  hives,  Li 1 1 1  ..i  Sii  Roland  Penrose 

Picasso  in  Ins  Mucin  i  in  Royan  with  Woman 

II,    II..,-    1940. 


JUNE  1     9    4    O  [CONTINUED] 


l  9  -  Picasso  completes  Woman  Dressing  Her  Hair,  the  development 
of  which  coincided  with  the  German  march  toward  Paris.  He  is  also 
producing  some  of  his  most  grim  and  skull-like  Heads  of  Women. 


Picasso  in  his  vault  at  the  Banque 
Nationale  pour  le  Commerce  et 
['Industrie,  ca.  1940—44.  Musee 
Picasso,  Paris,  Picasso  Archives. 


l  v  -  Petain  announces  on  the  radio  that 
he  had  approached  the  enemy  and  called 
for  an  end  to  hostilities. 

23  -  Hitler  visits  Paris  with  Albert  Speer 
and  Arno  Breker,  among  others. 

25  -  The  Armistice  of  Rethondes  is 
signed  by  Hitler  and  Petain,  dividing 
France  into  a  German-occupied  zone  in 
the  north  and  a  free  zone  in  the  south 
controlled  by  Petain's  collaborationist 
government  installed  at  Vichy  on  10  July. 

3D-  Otto  Abetz,  soon  to  be  appointed 
German  ambassador  to  France,  is  charged 
with  the  "protection"  of  art  belonging  to 
the  French  state  and  Jewish  individuals. 
The  Einsatzstab  Reichsleiter  Rosenberg 
(ERR)  is  empowered  to  seize  works  for 
so-called  scientific  purposes. 


J  U  LY      194D 

24  -  Zervos  writes  to  Picasso  to  inform  him  that  the  Spanish  embassy 
posted  announcements  on  the  doors  of  his  apartment  in  the  rue  La 
Boetie  and  studio  in  the  rue  des  Grands-Augustins,  placing  both  under 
its  protection.  He  also  tells  Picasso  that  he  is  safeguarding  certain  of 
his  sculptures  for  him. 


AUGUST      194D 

23  -  According  to  Sabartes,  Picasso  departs  Royan  by  car  with 
Sabartes  and  Marcel  to  return  permanently  to  Paris,  arriving  on  24 
August.  (Some  sources  give  his  departure  date  as  25  August.)  Dora 
leaves  at  the  same  time  by  train,  and  Marie-Therese  and  Maya  remain 
for  the  time  being  in  Royan.  Upon  his  return,  Picasso  lives  in  his 
apartment  in  the  rue  La  Boetie  and  works  in  his  studio  in  the  rue  des 
Grands-Augustins.  The  date  he  moves  into  the  latter  is  not  precisely 
known.  Visitors  were  still  calling  on  him  in  the  rue  La  Boetie  at  the 
end  of  1941,  but  he  seems  to  have  been  more  or  less  fully  transferred 
by  early  1942. 


28  -  Matisse  arrives  in  Nice,  having 
traveled  from  southwest  France.  In  June 
he  had  canceled  plans  to  emigrate  to  Rio 
de  Janeiro.  On  1  September,  he  writes  to 
his  son,  Pierre,  "if  everyone  who  has  any 
values  leaves  France,  what  remains  of 
France?" 


SEPTEMBER      1  9  A  U 

During  the  autumn,  in  Picasso's  presence,  German  authorities  examine 
his  bank  vault  at  the  Banque  Nationale  pour  le  Commerce  et 
l'lndustrie,  together  with  that  of  Matisse,  who  had  moved  to  the  south 
of  France.  Picasso  is  accompanied  by  the  art  dealer  Pierre  Colle. 

Late  in  1940  or  early  in  1941,  Marie-Therese  and  Maya  return  to  Paris 
from  Royan,  taking  up  residence  in  an  apartment  in  the  boulevard  Henri- 
IV  (4th  arrondissement).  They  are  joined  there  by  Marie-Therese's 
mother.  Typically,  Picasso  visits  them  on  Thursdays,  when  there  is  no 
school,  and  Sundays.  He  continues  to  see  his  wife  Olga,  although  they 
have  been  separated  for  many  years.  Their  son  Paulo  spends  the  war 
years  in  Switzerland,  where  Bernhard  Geiser  helps  look  after  him. 


Italy  attacks  Egypt. 

Rationing  is  instituted  in  Paris.  The  first 
anti-Semitic  measures  are  enforced  in 
the  occupied  zone.  The  Liste  Otto  is 
published,  giving  names  of  books  and 
other  publications  withdrawn  from  sale, 
including  works  by  political  refugees  and 
Jewish  authors.  A  revised  list  is  published 
in  the  summer  of  1942. 

26-  Walter  Benjamin  commits  suicide 
after  he  is  caught  trying  to  cross  from 
France  into  Spain. 

2  v  -The  Rome-Berlin-Tokyo  pact  is  signed. 


214      CHRONOLOGY 


DCTDBER       1  9  4  D 


NDVEMBER       194D 

22  -  Picasso  is  singled  out  among  other  modern  artists  in  John 
Hemming  Fry's  Art  decadent  sous  le  regne  de  la  democratie  et  du 
COmmunisme  Paris:  Henri  Colas),  a  Fascist  attack  on  modern  art  in 
general  and  the  purportedly  degenerate  influence  of  communism 
and  (he  "mentalite  juive." 


Itah  attacks  ( rreec  e. 

Leger  departs  for  the  I  mud  States. 

3  -  The  Statin  des Juifs  is  passed  by 
the  Yich\  government,  authorizing  the 
internment  ol  [ews  and  stripping  them 
of  certain  rights.  It  is  announced  in  Le 
Journal officiel oi  IS  October. 


3-5      Confiscated  art  works  are 
gathered  at  the  Musee  du  Jeu  de  Paume 
for  inspection  by  Reichsmarshal  Goring, 
who  makes  a  division  of  works  for  the 
German  museums,  ERR,  Hitler,  and  his 
own  collection. 


DECEMBER       1  9  4  O 


Drawings  bv  Picasso  are  included  in  an  exhibition  at  the  Galerie  Jean 
Dufresne,  47,  rue  de  Berri. 


i  5  -  The  first  edition  of  Resistance 
appears,  a  clandestine  journal  published 
by  the  Groupe  du  Musee  de  FHomme. 


JANUARY      1941 

Georges  Hugnet's  small  concrete  poem  Pablo  Picasso  is  published  in  Paris. 

i  4  -1  v  -  Picasso  writes  the  script  of  his  play  Le  Desir  attrape  par  le 
queue  (Desire  trapped  by  the  tail),  which  was  performed  at  a  reading 
by  friends  in  March  1944. 


MARCH       19  4  1 


i  D  -  The  German-Soviet  pact  is 
renewed. 


2  5  -  After  a  period  of  refuge  at  the 
American-supported  Villa  Air-Bel  at 
Marseilles  with  other  writers  and  artists. 
Breton  and  his  wife  and  daughter, 
Wilfredo  Lam,  the  Victor  Serges,  and 
Claude  Levi-Strauss  all  depart  for 
Martinique  by  boat.  Andre  Masson 
and  family  would  leave  on  31  March. 


APRIL      1941 


M  AY      19  4  1 

i  3  -  Otto  Freundlich,  who  was  living  in  St.  Paul-de  Fenouillet,  and 
who  would  later  die  after  deportation,  writes  to  Picasso  asking  him  to 
pay  five  month's  rent  on  his  Paris  studio  so  it  would  not  be  foreclosed. 


6  -  German v  invades  Yugoslavia  and 
Greece. 

S  -  A  new  law  limiting  certain  economic 
activities  by  Jews  in  France  forbids 
possession  of  telephones  and  attendance 
at  public  recreational  and  service 
establishments. 


The  Chagalls  leave  from  Marseilles  foi 
New  York. 


CHRONOLOGY      215 


M    AY  19    4    1  [CONTINUED] 


i  4  -  The  French  police  arrest  over  3,000 
foreign  Jews  around  Paris.  Within  a  year, 
30,000  Jews  would  be  interned  in  camps 
in  the  occupied  zone. 


JUNE      1941 

An  exhibition  at  the  Musee  de  l'Orangerie  of  the  private  collection  of 
Paul  Jamot,  recently  donated  to  the  state  museums,  includes  works 
by  Picasso. 


After  internment  and  escape,  Max  Ernst 
flees  France  across  the  Spanish  border. 

2  -  A  new  Statut  des  Juifs  is  instituted. 

22  -  Germany  invades  the  Soviet  Union 
in  Operation  Barbarossa. 

3  a  -  The  Vichy  government  breaks  off 
diplomatic  relations  with  Moscow. 


JULY      19  4  1 


i  e  -  Louise  Leiris,  sister-in-law  of 
Kahnweiler,  officially  buys  his  gallery, 
then  known  as  the  Galerie  Simon,  in 
order  to  "aryanize"  it.  She  had  worked 
with  Kahnweiler  since  1920.  The  name  is 
changed  to  Galerie  Louise  Leiris,  where 
works  by  Picasso  would  continue  to  be 
handled  during  the  war. 

2  2  -  A  Vichy  law  is  passed  "to  eliminate 
all  Jewish  influence  in  the  national 
economy."  Later  modified  by  laws  of 
17  November  1941  and  25  June  1943, 
it  requires  the  transfer  of  businesses, 
property,  and  securities  to  non-Jewish 
administrators  within  one  year. 


AUGUST      1941 


3D-  An  article  by  Pierre  Malo  appears  in  the  journal  Comoedia,  describ- 
ing a  visit  to  Picasso's  studio  where  he  saw,  among  other  works,  a  sculp- 
ture of  a  death's  head  (probably  the  Death 's  Head,  cat.  no.  54). 


2D  -  Raids  in  the  11th  arrondissement 
result  in  the  arrest  of  4,300  Jews,  1,300 
of  them  French;  all  are  sent  to  the  camp 
at  Drancy  outside  Paris. 


S  E  PTE  M  B  E  R       19  4  1 


5  -  A  propagandists  exhibition 
entitled  Lejuifet  la  France  opens  at 
the  Palais  Berlitz. 

23  -  In  London,  General  Charles  de 
Gaulle  creates  the  Comite  national  de  la 
France  libre  ("Free  France"). 


The  exhibition  Lejuifet  la  France  at  the 

Palais  Berlitz,  Paris,  1941. 


DCTDBER       1941 


Picasso's  friend  and  landlord  from  Rovan,  Andiee  Rolland,  visits  him 
in  Paris,  and  they  cancel  his  lease  on  the  Royan  apartment.  They  meet 
at  the  apartment  in  the  rue  Lei  Boetie  and  then  lunch  together  with 
Dora  at  Le  Catalan,  a  restaurant  in  the  rue  des  Grands  AugUStins 
frequented  by  Picasso  and  friends,  who  named  it  in  reference  to  its 
genial  owner.  Monsieur  Arnau,  of  French  Catalonia. 


from  Octobei  t<>  November,  a  torn  to 
Germain  foi  artists,  accompanied  l>\  .1 
journalisl  and  an  interpreter,  is  organized 
b)  the  German  Ministr)  of  Propaganda 
The  participants  include  1  Ieiu  i  Bou<  haul. 
Paul  Landowski,  and  Louis  Lejeune,  all 
of  the  Academic  des  Beaux  Arts;  the 
sculptors  Charles  Despiau  and  Paul 
Belmondo;  and  the  painters  Vlaminck, 
Detain,  Kees  van  Dongen,  Othon  l'riesz, 
Andre  Dunoyer  de  Segonzac,  Roland 
Oudot,  Raymond  Legueult,  and  [can 
Janin.  Maillol  was  excused  due  to  Ins 
age,  and  Denis  was  able  to  avoid  going. 

l  l       A  law  is  passed  allow  inn  I'Vench 
bronze  sculptures  to  be  melted  down  to 
supply  metal  for  the  wai  effort. 

22-  Louis  Marcoussis  dies  in  the  village 
of  Cusset,  near  Vichy. 

24  -  Delaunay  dies  in  a  hospital  in 
Montpellier. 


1  inn  h  ai usts  and  theii  escorts  departing  foi  Germany,  Gare  de  I'Est,  Paris,  Octobei  1941: 
From  the  left:  Charles  Despiau   polka  dot  l>i>\\  tie  ,  <  )ihon  Friesz  (light-color  overcoat), 
Andre  l)uno\ei  de  Segon/ai     mustache  ,  Maurice  de  Vlaminck    dark  overcoat.:,  Kees 

van  Dongen   white  beard  .  Andre  Derain   behind  and  to  the  right  of  van  Dongen). 

DECEMBER      1941 

v  -  The  Japanese  attack  Pearl  Harbor, 
drawing  the  United  States  into  the  war. 

1  l  -  Germany  and  Italy  declare  war 
on  the  United  States. 

JANUARY      1942 

The  second  volume  of  Eluard's  Livre  ouvert,  dedicated  to  Picasso,  is 
published  in  Paris  bv  Cahiers  d'Art. 

l  -  Alberto  Giacometti,  having  lied 
Paris,  moves  into  a  small  hotel  room  in 
Geneva,  where  he  spends  the  duration 
of  the  war. 

29  -  General  Ernst  von  Schaumburg, 
the  German  commander  in  Paris, 
announces  the  deportation  of  10(1 
members  of  Communist  and  Jewish 
youth  organizations,  and  the  execution 
of  six  Communists  and  jews.  Main 
reprisals  would  follow. 

FEBRUARY      1942 

25  -  Seven  members  of  the  Reseat]  du 
Musee  de  ['Homme,  the  Resistance 
organization,  arc  executed. 


chronology     >\; 


MARCH      1942 


A  group  exhibition  at  the  Galerie  Rive  Gauche  at  44,  rue  de  Fleurus, 
contains  works  by  Picasso.  It  continues  through  the  end  of  the  year. 
Picasso's  chef-d'oeuvre  inconnu  is  included  in  the  exhibition  Le  Livre 
francais  illustre  at  the  Galerie  Friedland,  and  a  public  lecture  on  Picasso 
is  presented  by  the  youth  group  Jeune  France  on  20  or  21  March. 

1  l  -  Picasso  meets  Olga  at  his  bank  to  discuss  financial  settlements. 
He  would  like  her  to  move  to  Switzerland,  where  their  son  Paulo  is 
living,  but  she  refuses,  claiming  inadequate  funds. 

2  6  -  At  Dora's  apartment,  Picasso  sees  an  incomplete  portrait  of 
her  in  charcoal  by  Jean  Cocteau.  He  paints  over  the  canvas  his  own 
Portrait  of  Dora  Maar  (private  collection),  eventually  completing  it  on 
9  October  1942  after  numerous  reworkings. 

2  7-  Julio  Gonzalez  dies  after  a  long  illness.  Picasso  attends  the  funeral 
at  the  parish  church  at  Arcueil  with  Zervos  and  his  Spanish  friends  Felix 
Fernandez  and  Apelles  Fenosa.  He  soon  paints  a  series  of  memento- 
mori  still  lifes  in  Gonzalez's  memory.  A  few  days  after  the  funeral, 
Picasso  remarks  mysteriously  to  Fenosa,  "I  am  the  one  who  killed  him." 


The  Communist  Party  leader  Laurent 
Casanova,  after  escaping  prison,  lives  in 
hiding  in  Paris.  He  would  be  given  refuge 
in  the  apartment  of  Michel  and  Louise 
Leiris,  where  he  meets  Picasso. 

3  -  Allied  bombing  raids  on  the  Renault 
factory  on  the  outskirts  of  Paris  kill  over 
600  people. 


APRIL      1942 

2  -  Picasso  writes  a  poem  recording  his  distress  over  Gonzalez's 
death  and  funeral. 

i  D  -  Picasso  writes  to  Mme  Rolland,  asking  her  to  send  him  the 
remaining  contents  of  his  studio  in  Les  Voiliers  in  Royan.  The  German 
navy  now  occupies  Royan,  however,  and  she  is  not  able  to  enter. 


l  s  -  Pierre  Laval  replaces  Francois 
Darlan  as  prime  minister  under  Petain; 
he  pursues  policies  of  collaboration 
with  Germany. 


M  AY      19  4  2 

2  -  An  exhibition  opens  at  the  Musee  Saint-Pierre  in  Lyon  that 
contains  modern  French  art  from  private  collections,  including  two 
paintings  by  Picasso. 

4  -  Picasso  completes  the  large  L'Aubade  (Centre  Georges  Pompidou,  Paris). 


Marcel  Duchamp  sails  from  Marseilles  to 
Casablanca  and  then  makes  his  way  to 
New  York. 

l  5  -  Retrospective  exhibition  of  the 
German  sculptor  Arno  Breker  appears  at 
the  Orangerie.  The  opening  is  attended 
by  Cocteau,  Derain,  Despiau,  van 
Dongen,  Vlaminck,  Maillol,  and 
Segonzac;  Cocteau  writes  a  laudatory 
article  for  Comoedia  ("Salut  a  Breker," 
issue  of  May  23).  Until  31  July. 

After  the  Breker  opening,  a  Resistance 
group  called  Le  Front  national  des  arts  is 
formed  and  publishes  L'Art  francais.  The 
artists  Andre  Fougeron,  Edouard  Pignon, 
Andre  Marchand,  Francis  Griiber, 
Edouard  Goerg,Jean  Amblard,  Jean- 
Claude  Aujame,  Andre  Lhote,  Maurice 
Denis,  and  Pierre  Montagnac  are  active. 


Arno  Breker,  Charles  Despiau,  Aristide 
Maillol,  and  Louis  Hauleroeur,  head  of 
the  fine  arts  department  in  the  Ministry 
of  Education  and  Youth,  at  the  opening 
in  Paris  of  the  Arno  Breker  retrospective, 
Mav  1942. 


218      CHRONOLOGY 


MAY  19    4    2         [CONTINUED] 

22  -  Eluard  writes  to  Picasso  to  inform  him  of  the  analysis  of  his 
handwriting  by  a  graphologist.  Among  other  observations,  the  report 

indicated  that  Picasso  "loves  intensely  and  he  kills  what  he  loves." 

26  -  The  dealer  Martin  Fabiani  publishes  le  comte  de  Bullous 
Histoire  uaturelle  with  illustrations  prepared  several  years  earlier  by 
Picasso,  a  project  first  planned  with  Yollard  but  taken  over  by  Fabiani 
when  he  acquired  Vollard's  business  inventors. 


JUNE      1942 

A  painting  by  Picasso  sells  at  the  Hotel  Drouot  for  the  high  price  of 
610,000  francs. 

6  -  Vlaminck's  "Opinions  libres  .  .  .  sur  la  peinture"  is  published  in 
Comoedia,  leveling  a  vitriolic  ad  hominum  attack  at  Picasso  under  the 
pretense  of  an  analysis  of  cubism.  He  finds  Picasso  guilty  of  having  led 
French  painting  "into  the  most  mortal  impasse,  into  an  indescribable 
confusion,"  and  dangerously  compares  his  work  with  the  metaphysics 
of  the  Kabala  and  Talmud.  This  outburst  is  somewhat  tepidly  answered 
by  Lhote  in  the  13 June  issue  of  Comoedia.  Vlaminck  would  reprise  the 
article  in  his  book  Portraits  avant  dices  (Paris:  Flammarion). 

By  7  June  -  Picasso  makes  a  gift  to  Matisse  of  a  portrait  of  Dora. 

2D      In  response  to  Vlaminck's  attack,  a  letter  of  support  for  Picasso 
and  cubism  is  published  in  Comoedia,  written  by  Gaston  Diehl  and 
signed  by  forty-one  artists. 

29  -  Dora  tells  Cocteau  that  a  bronze  cast  has  been  made  of  Picasso's 
Head  oj  a  Bull,  fashioned  from  a  bicycle  seat  and  handlebars.  Despite 
all  the  difficulties  posed  by  the  Occupation  and  shortages  of  metal, 
Picasso  manages  to  have  numerous  major  works  cast  in  bronze.  He 
stores  them  in  his  annex  studio  in  the  rue  des  Grands-Augustins,  and 
Brassai  eventually  makes  photographs  of  them  all. 


29  The  first  systematic  deportations  ol 

foreign  boin  |e\\s  to  death  tamps  m  the 

east  begin 

30  In  aim  Resistant  e  measures, 
Jacques  Dccour,  Georges  Polit/ei.  and 
Jacques  Solomon  aie  all  executed 
Decour  had  been  the  primar)  foundei 
of  the  clandestine  publication  Les  Lettres 
fran<;aises,  the  first  (delayed)  issue  of 
which  appeared  in  September  1!UJ. 


La  relive,  a  scheme  to  attract  workers  to 
Germany,  is  instituted,  lor  ever)  three 
volunteers  for  labor,  one  French  prisonei 
will  be  released. 

1   -  An  ordinance  is  published  requiring 
all  Jews  aged  six  and  above  to  wear  a 
yellow  star  in  public,  to  go  into  effe<  I 
on  7June. 

i  a  -  Ninety  Communists  are  arrested. 
Eluard,  who  had  recently  rejoined  the 
Communist  Party,  has  to  go  under- 
ground. He  and  Hugnet  are  active  in 
the  Resistance. 


J  U  LY      19  4  2 

i  5  -  Picasso  prepares  the  first  studies  for  the  sculpture  Man  with  a 
Lamb  (cat.  no.  (>(>),  based  on  figures  in  his  print  14 July  1942. 

Sometime  after  mid-July,  Gerhard  Heller,  a  German  officer  working 
as  a  censor  in  the  literary  office  of  the  German  embassv  in  Paris,  visits 
Picasso's  studio,  taken  there  by  Jean  Paulhan,  a  critic  and  writer  who 
contributed  to  different  Resistance  publications  as  well  as  wartime 
newspapers. 

l  B      Newspaper  reports  indicate  that  a  painting  donated  by  Picasso 
is  sold  in  a  charity  auction  by  L'Union  des  artistes  lor  650,000  francs. 

22  -  Ernst Jiinger,  a  well-known  German  writer  serving  as  an  army 
officer  in  Paris,  visits  Picasso's  studio.  Picasso  supposedly  queries  him 
about  his  book  Sur  les falaises  de  marine  and  remarks,  "Between  the  two 
of  us,  as  we  sit  here,  we  could  negotiate  the  peace  this  very  afternoon." 


1  6  -  1  7  -La  Grande  Rafie  du  \  el'  d'lln 
takes  place,  a  massive  roundup  ol  Jews  in 
Paris  by  !),()()()  French  police  in  which 
12,88  I  persons  are  arrested.  They  are 
transported  b)  bus  to  the  Velodrome 
d'Hiver,  a  sports  arena  south  of  the 
Fiffel  'lower,  from  where  the)  go  to  the 
concentration  camp  at  Drancv  (  )nl\    100 
eventually  survive. 


CHRONOLOGY      219 


AUGUST      1942 

s  -  The  inaugural  exhibition  opens  at 

the  Musee  National  a" Art  Moderne  at  the 

Palais  de  Tokyo.  Picasso  is  not  included 

among  the  many  modern  artists  shown. 

SEPTEMBER      1942 

Fritz  Rene  Vanderpyl's  L'Art  sans  patrie,  un  mensonge:  Le  pinceau  d'Israel 
is  published  (Paris:  Mercure  de  France),  a  Fascist  attack  on  Jewish  art 
and,  by  way  of  association,  Picasso  and  cubism. 

The  second  volume  (parts  1  and  2)  of  Pablo  Picasso,  Zervos's  catalogue 
raisonne  of  works  by  Picasso  (1906-12  and  1912-17),  is  printed  in  Paris 
for  Cahiers  d'Art  (first  volume  published  in  1932). 

1  3  -  Picasso  dines  with  Dora,  Andre-Louis  Dubois,  and  Cocteau  at 
the  Paris  home  of  the  wealthy  Argentinean  couple  Marcello  and 
Hortensia  Anchorena,  who  commissioned  a  painted  door  from  Picasso 
that  he  never  delivered. 


4  -  A  labor  conscription  law  for  Service 
du  travail  obligatoire  (STD)  is  passed, 
requiring  all  fit  males  between  18  and  50 
and  single  women  from  20  to  35  to  be 
available  for  work.  Protest  strikes  and 
demonstrations  follow. 

2D  -  The  first  issue  of  the  clandestine 
Les  Lettres  franchises  is  published  by 
mimeograph. 


DCTDBER      1942 

Works  by  Picasso  ("maquettes  de  ballets")  are  included  in  an 
exhibition  of  recent  acquisitions  at  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale. 

3  -  Maurice  Toesca,  a  writer  working  for  the  French  police,  visits 
Picasso's  studio  with  the  publisher  Flammarion.  Picasso  later  provides 
illustrations  for  a  book  by  Toesca. 


NOVEMBER      1942 

Two  poems  by  Picasso  appear  in  the  literary  magazine  Confluence, 
published  in  the  Free  Zone  in  Lyon. 

3D  -  Picasso  renews  his  carte  d'identite  d'etranger,  for  which  the  Statut 
des  Juifs  compels  him  to  sign  an  affirmation  that  he  is  not  Jewish.  In 
an  effort  to  avoid  the  normal  official  channels,  which  might  arouse 
the  attention  of  antagonists  at  the  Spanish  embassy,  Picasso  seeks  the 
aid  of  Toesca,  who  through  his  job  at  the  prefecture  is  able  to  expedite 
the  renewal. 


s  -  In  Operation  Torch,  the  Allies 
invade  French  North  Africa. 

l  i  -  German  forces  seize  the  unoccupied 
zone  in  France. 


DECEMBER       1942 

l  2  -  l  3  -  In  the  sale  of  the  Georges  Viau  collection  by  Etienne  Ader 
at  the  Hotel  Drouot,  two  paintings  by  Picasso  fetch  the  extraordinarily 
high  prices  of  1,610,000  and  1,300,000  francs. 


1  D  -  Hitler  orders  the  arrest  and 
deportation  from  France  of  all  Jews 
and  other  enemies  of  the  Reich. 


JANUARY      1943 


A  painting  by  Picasso  is  included  in  the  exhibition  Fleurs  et  fruits  depuis 
le  romantisme  at  the  Galerie  Charpentier. 


German  authorities  require  the  provision 
of  250,000  workers  as  supplement  to 
the  STD. 

5  -  Electricity  is  rationed  in  Paris. 

11  -   3D-  Metro  stations  are  closed. 

3D  -Joseph  Darnard  creates  the  Milice, 
a  paramilitary  police  force  of  Frenchmen 
organized  to  fight  the  maquis. 


220      CHRONOLOGY 


JANUARY      1943      [continued) 


MARCH       1943 

Picasso  makes  his  last  dated  drawings  for  Man  with  a  Lamb.  Although 
Brassai  later  quoted  Picasso  as  saying  thai  he  modeled  the  sculpture  in 
February,  it  must  date  from  March  or  soon  alter.  Picasso  told  Brassai 
that  he  completed  it  in  clay  in  one  session  with  the  help  of  Marcel  and 
Kluard,  but  the  mass  of  clay  was  too 
heavy  for  the  armature,  began  to 
collapse  and  had  to  be  tied  to  the 
ceiling  beam  lor  support.  To  preserve 
it,  Picasso  later  had  it  cast  in  plaster  in 
two  halves  for  greater  ease  of  handling. 


3  i      Aftei  severe  losses  in  the  Battle 
ol  Stalingrad,  Field  Marshal  Friedrich 
von  Paulus  of  German)  surrenders  his 
Sixth  Arm)  to  Russia's  Marshal  Georg) 
Zhukov,  marking  a  decisive  turning 
point  in  the  w  ai. 


Freundlich,  who  had  been  arrested  at  St. 
Paul  de  Fenouillet  and  then  interned  at 
Drancy  before  deportation,  dies  at  (he 
camp  at  Majdanek  in  Poland. 


I'ic  ,isM>  in  Ins  tur  ties 

( Irands  Augustus  studio 
«  ah  the  two  s<  ulptures 
Head  nj  Dora  \lu<n 
.iiid  Man  Willi  a  Lamb, 
Septembei  1944. 
Photograph  bv 

Robert  C  'apa. 


APRIL      1943 

l  s  -  Nazis  reportedly  order  a  painting  by  Picasso  at  the  Galerie 
Charpentier  removed  from  exhibition. 

2B  -  While  dining  at  Le  Catalan  with  Picasso  and  Hugnet,  the  writer 
Leon-Paul  Fargue  suffers  a  stroke  that  leaves  him  partially  paralyzed. 
Picasso  notifies  Fargue's  wife,  Cheriane,  of  the  attack. 


M  AY      19  4  3 

Picasso  meets  Francoise  Gilot  at  Le  Catalan,  where  she  is  dining  with 
a  friend  named  Genevieve  and  the  actor  Alain  Cuny.  She  becomes  a 
regular  visitor  to  his  studio. 


The  Vichy  government  deports  to 
Germany  former  government  and 
military  leaders  Leon  Blum,  Kdouard 
Daladier,  Georges  Mandel,  Paul  Reynaud, 
and  General  Gustave  Maurice  Gamelin. 


27  -  The  first  meeting  of  the  Conseil 
national  de  la  Resistance  is  held,  with 
Jean  Moulin  in  charge. 

27  -  According  to  Rose  Valland,  a  stafi 
member  attached  to  the  Musee  dujeu 
de  Paume  who  secretly  kept  accounts  of 
confiscated  art  works,  the  ( )(  cupation 
authorities  organize  a  massive  burning 
of  "degenerate"  art  in  the  Tuileries, 
including  works  by  Picasso,  Miro,  Max 
l.rnst.  Andre  Masson,  Klee.  and  I.egei 


CHRONOLOGY      221 


J  U  LY      19  4  3 

Works  by  Picasso  are  added  to  a  long-running  exhibition  of 
contemporary  painting  at  the  Galerie  Art  du  Printemps,  64, 
boulevard  Haussmann. 

Francoise  leaves  Paris  for  Fontes,  near  Montpellier  in  the  Free 
Zone,  and  does  not  see  Picasso  again  until  November. 

23  -  Picasso  is  visited  at  his  studio  by  the  dealer  Martin  Fabiani 
and  makes  five  portrait  drawings  of  him. 


l  □  -  Allied  forces  land  in  Sicily. 

25  -  Benito  Mussolini  is  relieved  of 
power  in  Rome  by  order  of  Victor 
Emmanuel,  king  of  Italy,  who  has  been 
restored  to  command  of  the  armed  forces 
by  the  Fascist  Grand  Council.  Mussolini 
is  put  in  protective  custody  but  later 
released  by  the  Germans. 


AUGUST      1943 

g  -  From  his  secluded  home  in  Champigny-sur Amende,  Chaim 
Soutine  is  rushed  to  Paris  by  his  companion  Marie-Berthe  Aurenche 
for  an  operation.  He  dies  of  a  perforated  ulcer.  Picasso  and  Cocteau 
attend  the  funeral. 


Having  broken  off  all  relations  with  the 
Vichy  government,  the  Allies  formally 
recognize  the  Comite  francais  de 
liberation  nationale,  presided  over 
by  de  Gaulle. 

Kahnweiler's  house  at  St.-Leonard-de- 
Noblat  is  searched  by  the  gestapo,  on  a 
tip  that  he  was  hiding  arms.  He  and  his 
wife  flee  to  a  village  in  the  Lot-et- 
Garonne. 


SEPTEMBER      1943 

Brassai  visits  Picasso's  studio  late  in  September  to  begin  photographing 
sculptures  for  a  book  by  Les  Editions  du  Chene,  which  was  eventually 
published  in  1948  as  Les  Sculptures  de  Picasso  (Paris)  with  a  text  by 
Kahnweiler.  He  remarks  upon  the  large  number  of  bronzes  that  had 
been  cast  in  recent  years.  Picasso  gives  him  the  somewhat  suspicious 
story  that  friends  moved  the  plasters  to  the  foundry  and  the  bronzes 
back  to  the  studio  by  hand  carts,  at  night,  "right  under  the  nose  of  the 
German  patrols." 

l  6  -  A  letter  is  sent  to  Picasso  from  German  authorities  (Office  de 
placement  allemand)  ordering  him  to  report  on  20  September  for 
physical  and  aptitude  examinations,  in  preparation  for  deportation  to 
Essen  as  part  of  the  forced  labor  program.  Although  it  is  not  known 
for  sure  how  Picasso  is  able  to  evade  this  summons,  he  possibly 
receives  aid  from  the  German  sculptor  Breker. 


3  -  Italy  signs  an  armistice  with  the 
Allies.  German  troops  occupy  Northern 
and  Central  Italy. 

3  -  Bombing  raids  continue  on  Paris, 
but  now  the  Left  Bank  is  hit  as  well  as 
the  suburbs. 

25  -  A  special  exhibition  of  Braque's 
work  is  included  in  the  Salon  d'Automne 
held  at  the  Palais  des  Beaux-Arts.  Matisse 
exhibits  four  works  including  Tulips  and 
Oysters  on  a  Black  Background,  which  he 
subsequently  gives  to  Picasso.  Until 
31  October. 


OCTOBER      1943 

l  2  -  The  publisher  of  Les  Editions  du  Chene,  Maurice  Girodias,  visits 
Picasso's  studio  with  Brassai  and  insults  him  by  suggesting  that  a  bird 
assemblage  is  an  "object"  rather  than  a  "sculpture." 

l  9  -  Zervos  discusses  with  Picasso  the  possibility  of  publishing  a 
group  of  his  drawings,  eventually  resulting  in  the  facsimile  publication 
in  1!)48  of  one  of  the  Royan  sketchbooks  by  Cahiers  d'Art. 


NOVEMBER      1943 

Francoise  returns  to  Paris  and  resumes  her  visits  to  Picasso's  studio. 
During  one  of  them,  she  meets  Andre  Malraux  as  he  takes  a  respite 
from  action  with  the  maquis.  She  continues  to  live  at  her  grandmother's 
house  in  Neuilly. 

By  12  November,  the  rationing  inspectors  make  an  unexpected  visit 
to  Le  Catalan  and  catch  Picasso  and  others  eating  chateaubriands  on 


222      CHRONOLOGY 


a  meatless  day.  The  patrons  are  forced  to  pay  lines,  and  the 
restaurant  is  closed  for  a  month. 

9  -  At  the  annual  commemoration  of  Apollinaire's  death  ;it  Pere 
Lachaise  Cemetery,  Picasso  refuses  t<»  shake  hands  with  his  former 
friend,  Andre  Salmon,  because  of  his  pro-Franco  stance  as  ;i  writer 
for  the  Petit  Parish  n. 


DECEMBER       1943 

The  book  on  recent  work  by  Picasso  entitled  Picasso:  Seize peintures 
1939-1943,  with  a  text  by  Desnos,  is  published  in  Paris  by  I^es  Editions  du 
Chene. 

Portraits  of  Apollinaire  bv  Picasso  are  included  in  the  exhibition  Le 
Temps  d' Apollinaire  at  the  Galerie  Rene  Breteau,  70,  rue  de  Bonaparte. 

2  4-  -  Brassai  makes  his  last  visit  until  April  1944  to  Picasso's  studio 
to  photograph  the  sculptures.  As  an  ex-officer  of  the  Romanian  army, 
he  has  been  mobilized  by  the  Germans  and  must  go  into  hiding. 


FEBRUARY      1944 

24  -  Max  Jacob  is  arrested  at  the  abbey  of  St.-Benoit-sur-Loire,  where 
he  is  a  lay  brother,  and  is  sent  to  the  concentration  camp  at  Drancy. 
He  dies  there  of  pneumonia  on  5  March.  There  is  a  question  about 
how  and  when  Picasso  first  learns  of  the  arrest,  but  the  statement  often 
attributed  to  him-"Max  is  an  elf.  He  doesn't  need  us  to  fly  out  of  his 
prison"— may  be  apocryphal.  Cocteau  prepares,  in  league  with  the 
collaborationist  publisher  Georges  Prade,  a  petition  to  the  German 
embassy  on  Jacob's  behalf,  but  it  is  not  known  who  signed  it  and  if  it 
ultimately  was  sent.  Picasso  attends  the  mass  for  Jacob  at  St.-Roch 
on  21  March,  after  it  had  been  postponed  from  the  18th.  Also  in 
attendance  are  Braque,  Salmon,  Derain,  Eluard,  Pierre  Reverdy, 
and  Cocteau,  among  others. 


MARCH       1944 

i  9  -  Friends  of  Picasso  present  a  reading  of  Le  Desir  attrape  par  la 
queue  at  the  apartment  of  the  Leirises  at  53  bis,  quai  des  Grands- 
Augustins,  around  the  corner  from  Picasso's  studio.  Albert  Camus 
directs  and  roles  are  acted  by  Michel  and  Louise  Leiris,  Zanie  and 
Jean  Aubier,  Simone  de  Beauvoir,  Jean-Paul  Sartre,  Dora,  Germaine 
Hugnet,  Raymond  Queneau,  and  Jacques-Laurent  Bost.  Georges 
Hugnet  prepares  the  musical  accompaniment.  Over  a  hundred  people 
are  crowded  together  in  the  audience,  including  Brassai,  Braque  and 
his  wife,  Valentine  Hugo,  Jacques  Lacan,  Sabartes,  Reverdy,  Jean- 
Louis  Barrault,  Georges  and  Sylvia  Bataille,  Toesca,  Dubois,  Henri 
Michaux,  and  Lucienne  and  Armand  Salacrou.  Picasso  displays  a 
portrait  of  Jacob  during  the  proceedings.  After  the  reading,  Picasso 
escorts  a  group  back  to  his  studio  and  shows  them  an  original 
manuscript  bv  Alfred  Jam.  Others  remain  at  the  Leiris  apartment  for 
dinner  and  extend  the  party  beyond  the  curfew,  through  the  whole 
night.  Despite  criticism  of  the  play  by  some  of  Picasso's  friends,  the 
event  generally  is  deemed  a  major  success. 


2  2  -  Desnos  is  arrested.  He  is  taken 
rust  to  Fresnes  then  interned  at  Camp 
Royallieu  in  Compiegne  before 
deportation  to  Flossenburg.  He  dies  <>l 
typhus  on  8  June  1945  in  a  hospital  at 
Terezin,  Czechoslovakia,  just  days  aftei 
liberation  bv  the  Russian  army. 


Participants  in  the  reading  ol  Picasso's  plaj  1  <  l)i  tii 
attrapi  pat  It  gueut  Ln  \us  studio,  March  194  t  Standing 
from  the  lefl   [ai  ques  La<  an,  Ce<  Je  Eluard,  Pierre 
Reverdy,  Louise  Leiris,  Zanie  tabier,  Picasso, 

Valentine  Hugo,  Simom  de  Beauvoii  <  >n  the  11 

[ear  Paul  Sartre,  Vlberl  Camus,  Michel  Leiris 
tabier,  and  Kazbek  the  dog  Photograph  l>\  Brassai 


CHRONOLOGY      223 


APRIL      19  4  4 

Brassai  resumes  his  visits  to  Picasso's  studio.  Allied  bombing  raids  on 
Paris  are  proceeding  day  and  night,  and  Brassai  reports  that  a  painting 
by  Picasso  entitled  Still  Life  with  Chinese  Lantern  is  hit  by  flying  glass  in 
the  studio  of  Picasso's  printer,  Lacouriere. 

27  -  At  the  request  of  the  actor  Jean  Marais,  Picasso  burns  a  design 
into  a  broomstick  for  him  to  use  as  a  scepter  in  his  leading  role  in 
Andromaque  at  the  Theatre  Edouard-VII. 


The  album  Vaincre  is  published  by  the 
underground  network  Front  national  des 
arts,  with  graphics  by  artists  including 
Fougeron,  Goerg,  Pignon,  and 
Montagnac,  to  benefit  the  Francs-Tireurs 
and  Partisans  francais,  Resistance  groups 
attached  to  the  French  Communist  Party. 


M  AY      19  44 

Picasso  is  included  in  an  exhibition  entitled  L'Oeuvre  et  la  palette  de 
1830  a  nos  jours  at  the  Galerie  Rene  Breteau,  which  includes  artists' 
palettes  with  their  works. 

Numerous  paintings  and  drawings  of  city  views  from  this  period  show 
monuments  such  as  bridges,  the  Vert  Galant,  and  Notre  Dame 
cathedral,  near  Picasso's  studio. 

5  -  Brassai  begins  working  at  Picasso's  studio  annex  in  the  rue  des 
Grands-Augustins,  photographing  sculptures  stored  there. 


JUNE      1944 

The  exhibition  Picasso,  organized  by  the  Sociedad  de  arte  moderno 
at  the  Universidad  Iberoamericana  in  Mexico  City,  contains 
fifty-five  works. 

l  4  -  Picasso  concludes  an  exchange  with  his  paint  manufacturer, 
trading  a  still  life  for  a  country  house. 


4  -  Rome  is  occupied  by  the  Allies. 

6  -  The  Allies  land  at  Normandy  in 
Operation  Overlord. 


J  U  LY      19  4  4 

Works  by  Picasso  are  included  in  the  exhibition  Bains  de  mer  at  the 
Galerie  Paul  Proute,  rue  de  Seine. 

l  5  -  Picasso  is  included  in  the  inaugural  exhibition  of  the  Galerie 
Vendome,  place  Vendome,  entitled  Maitres  de  I'art  independant. 


AUGUST      1944 

l  9  -  2  5  -  With  intensifying  street  fighting  between  the  Resistance 
(led  by  the  Comite  parisian  de  liberation)  and  Vichy  and  German 
forces,  Picasso  moves  to  Marie-Therese's  apartment  in  the  boulevard 
HenriTV  to  be  with  her  and  Maya.  During  these  days,  he  works  on 
two  gouaches  after  Nicolas  Poussin's  Triumph  of  Pan  as  a  personal 
celebration  of  the  Liberation.  He  is  back  in  his  studio  by  8  August, 
when  he  is  visited  by  the  first  of  many  American  and  British  jour- 
nalists and  soldiers  who  seek  him  out  to  pay  tribute,  conferring  on 
him  and  his  work  a  special  heroic  status. 

25-27-  Picasso  is  commissioned  to  design  the  frontispiece  for 
the  commemorative  book  Florilege  des  poetes  et  peintres  de  la  Resistance, 
presented  to  General  de  Gaulle  upon  his  entry  into  Paris. 


i  D  -  1  2  —  French  railroad  workers  go 
on  strike. 

l  5  -  The  Paris  police  go  on  strike,  and 
the  metro  stops  running. 

25  -  General  Jacques  Leclerc, 
commander  of  the  French  Second 
Armored  Division,  leads  the  first  armed 
forces  into  Paris  for  its  liberation.  General 
Dietrich  von  Choltitz  signs  the  surrender. 

26  -  De  Gaulle  arrives  in  Paris. 


SEPTEMBER       1944 

Picasso  meets  Genevieve  Laporte,  who  visits  his  studio  to  research 
an  article  for  her  student  newspaper.  She  attends  the  Lycee  Fenelon  in 
the  rue  de  l'Eperon.  His  intermittent  affair  with  her  lasts  for  more 
than  a  decade. 


224      CHRONOLOGY 


OCTOBER       1  9  4.  4. 


3  -  Picasso  presides  at  a  meeting  in  his  studio  ol  the  Comite  directeur 
du  front  national  des  arts   section  peinture,  sculpture,  gravure),  which 
includes  among  its  members  the  artists  I, hole,  (loerg,  Desnoyer,  ( rriiber, 
Pignon,  and  Fougeron.  The  committee  is  authorized  to  present  the  Prefect 
of  Police  with  a  demand  for  the  arrest  and  sentencing  of  collaborationist 
artists  and  critics.  It  calls  for  the  arrest  of  Othon  Friez,  Paul  Belmondo, 
Paul  Landowski,  Jacques  Beltrand,  Jean-Marc  Campagne,  and  Camille 
Mauclair,  and  it  sanctions  Derain,  Segonzac,  Despiau,  Legueult,  Maillol, 
Vlaminck,  and  Oudot  with  exclusion  from 

the  next  official  salons. 

4  -  Picasso  joins  the  French  Communist 
Party  (PCF)  in  a  private  ceremony  at  the 
offices  of  L'Humanite,  the  part)  newspaper. 
Marcel  Cachin,  director  of  L'Humanite, 

presides  together  with  Jacques  Duclos, 
secretary  of  the  PCF".  Aragon,  Eluard, 
Fougeron,  and  Camus  are  also  in 
attendance.  This  event  is  announced  in 
L'Humanite  on  5  October  with  front  page- 
coverage  and  an  illustration  of  a  drawing 
for  Man  with  a  Lamb. 

•4  or  5  -  Picasso  donates  a  still-life 
painting  to  the  Musee  de  Saint-Etienne 
in  recognition  of  the  city's  workers. 

6  -  The  Salon  d'Automne  at  the  Palais  des  Beaux-Arts,  popularly 
known  as  the  Liberation  Salon,  features  a  special  exhibition  of  seventy- 
four  paintings  and  five  sculptures  by  Picasso,  all  dating  from  recent 
years.  In  a  reactionary  manifestation  against  Picasso's  work  and  his 
politics,  a  number  of  students  precipitate  a  melee  in  the  galleries,  and 
several  paintings  are  forcibly  removed  from  the  walls.  Other  young 
people  counterreact  by  standing  guard.  A  letter  from  Le  Front  national 
des  etudiants,  denouncing  the  attacks  on  Picasso,  is  published  in 
Marseillaise  on  12  October.  A  letter  from  the  Comite  national  des 
ecrivains  in  support  of  Picasso,  published  in  Les  Lettres  francaises  on  21 
October,  is  signed  by  Eluard,  Hugnet,  Bost,  Sartre,  Queneau,  Francis 
Ponge,  Aragon,  and  Michel  Leiris,  among  others.  Until  15  November. 

1  6  -  With  more  than  100, 000  participants  at  the  Pere-Lachaise 
Cemeterv  Picasso  takes  part  in  a  ceremony  to  honor  French  intellec- 
tuals killed  in  the  war  and  the  more  than  75,000  Nazi  victims  executed 
in  the  region  of  Paris. 

24  -  An  interview  with  Picasso  by  Pol  Gaillard,  entitled  "Why  I 
Joined  the  Communist  Party,"  is  published  in  New  Masses.  A  longer 
version  of  the  same  article  appears  in  L'Humanite  in  the  29-30  October 
issue.  Picasso  states:  "I  have  always  been  in  exile,  now  I  no  longer 
am;  until  the  day  when  Spain  can  welcome  me  back,  the  French 
Communist  Party  opened  its  arms  to  me,  and  I  have  found  in  it  those 
that  I  most  value.  I  am  once  more  among  m\  brothers." 

Picasso  supports  various  benefit  events  by  donating  works  to  be  sold; 
these  include  a  gala  at  the  Theatre  de  la  Porte-Saint-Martin  on  10 
October  in  support  of  deported  prisoners;  a  benefit  at  the  Salle  Pleyel 
on  23  October  in  support  of  families  of  Spanish  victims  of  the  war  for 
France;  and  an  exhibition  opening  27  October  on  La  Presse  clanihstuu 
with  a  benefit  sale  at  the  Maison  de  lTJniversite  Francaise. 


The  Kahnweilers  return  to  Paris  and 

move  111  With  tile   It'll  iscs 

9  -2D  —  Winston  Churchill  meets  with 
Josel  Stalin  m  Moscow  and  agrees  to 
Russian  control  ol  Eastern  Europe  and 
new  boundai  ies  foi  Poland. 


Installation  view  of  the  Picasso  exhibition  al  the 
s.i I. ,n  d'Automne,  Paris,  October- i Novembei   I'M  I 
Photograph  b\  Man   Vaux. 

|.iln>\  e] 

Picasso  and  Paul  l.luaid  leading  a  procession  in  ill. 

ceremon)  al  Pere-Lachaise  Cemeter)  to  honoi  Nazi 

\  H  inns  in  i he  region  >>l  Paris,  16  Octobei  I'M  I 


CHRONOLOGY      225 


NOVEMBER      1944 

Picasso  is  named  honorary  chairman  of  the  Comite  des  amis 
de  l'Espagne,  formed  to  aid  Spanish  refugees  and  anti-Franco 
political  efforts. 

Picasso  is  included  in  the  exhibitions  Maitres  et  jeunes  de  I'art 
independant  at  the  Galerie  de  France  and  Paris  at  the  Galerie 
Charpentier.  He  donates  works  for  benefit  sales  at  a  gala 
cinematographique  at  the  Palais  de  Chaillot  on  10  November  to 
support  social  services  of  the  Forces  francaises  de  l'interieur,  and 
at  the  Hotel  Drouot  on  17  November,  also  to  support  the  FFI. 

2  -  Picasso  and  Eluard  are  part  of  a  delegation  formed  to  honor 
war  victims  in  the  Resistance. 

3  -  Picasso  attends  an  Hommage  a  Max  Jacob,  presented  by  Michel 
Leiris  at  the  Theatre  des  Mathurins. 

l  i  -  Armistice  Day  is  celebrated. 

DECEMBER      1944 

1  s  —  Eluard's  book  A  Pablo  Picasso  is  printed  for  Editions  des  Trois 
Collines,  Geneva  and  Paris;  it  is  distributed  for  sale  later  in  1945. 

1  3  -  Vassily  Kandinsky  dies  in  Paris. 

J A  N  U A RY      19  4  5 

Picasso  is  included  in  an  exhibition  of  still-life  paintings  at  Galerie 
Visconti  and  in  drawings  exhibitions  at  the  Galerie  Granoff  and 
Galerie  Rene  Drouin. 

27  -  Auschwitz  is  liberated  by  the 
Russian  army. 

FEBRUARY      1945 

Zervos  photographs  Picasso's  painting  The  Charnel  House  (cat.  no.  82) 
in  an  early  state  and  continues  to  photograph  it  as  work  progresses. 

Picasso  is  included  in  a  show  at  the  Galerie  Martin  Fabiani  to  benefit 
the  American  cabaret  group  Stage  Door  Canteen  and  in  an  exhibition 
at  the  Galerie  Drouin  to  benefit  Soviet  prisoners  and  deportees.  His 
painting  The  Cock  sells  there  for  500,000  francs.  He  is  mentioned  in 
news  stories  as  a  candidate  for  a  new  government  program  called 
"service  of  artists  at  war,"  in  which  artists  would  serve  the  war  effort 
by  working  on  war-related  themes. 

27-  An  exhibition  of  Picasso's  work  at  the  Buchholz  Gallery  in 
New  York  shows  paintings  and  drawings  from  a  private  collection. 
Until  17  March. 

4-  -  i  l  -  The  Big  Three  meetings 
between  Franklin  D.  Roosevelt, 
Churchill,  and  Stalin  take  place  in  Yalta. 

MARCH      1945 

Picasso  is  included  in  an  exhibition  of  modern  art  at  the  Galerie 
Parvillee  and  Sculptures  d'aujourd'hui  at  the  Galerie  Drouin. 

2  4  -  In  an  interview  with  Simon  Tery  in  Les  Lettres  francaises  ("Picasso 
n'est  pas  officier  dans  l'armee  francaise")  in  response  to  the  "service 
of  artists  at  war"  initiative,  Picasso  makes  the  well-known  statement 
that  painting  "is  an  offensive  and  defensive  instrument  of  war  against 
the  enemy." 

2  2  -  23  -  Allied  armies  under  General 
George  Patton  cross  the  Rhine. 

226      CHRONOLOGY 


APRIL      1945 


3  -  Allied  armies  i  ross  the  Rhine. 

1  2  -  Roosevelt  dies  and  I  [at i\  s 
Truman  takes  offi<  e. 

z  v  -  Mussolini  is  ai  nsicd  au(\  executed 

one  da)   later. 

29      American  fon es  entei  the 
concentration  camp  ai  Da<  hau. 

3D       I  lillei  i  onnnils  sua  ide. 


M  AY      19  4  5 

Boris  Kochno  visits  Picasso's  studio.  Ballet  director  lor  Jacques 
Prevert's  Le  Rcndez-vous,  he  chooses  a  painting  of  a  candlestick  and 
mask  to  serve  as  the  curtain  design. 

1  5  -  Malraux  visits  Picasso  at  his  studio. 

Zervos  publishes  a  special  edition  of  Cahiers  d'Art  (nos.  15-19),  his  first 
since  the  beginning  of  the  war,  dedicated  to  art  made  in  France  from 
1940  to  1!)  1  1,  with  special  emphasis  on  the  work  of  Picasso. 

2  5  -  Picasso  is  represented  with  nine  works  in  Le  Cubisme  1911-1918 
at  the  Galerie  de  France.  Until  30 June. 


5  -  Denmark  is  liberated. 

v  -  b  -  The  German  arm)  sui  lenders 
at  Reims  and  Berlin. 

7  -  VE  Day  is  celebrated. 


JUNE      1945 

At  its  Tenth  Congress,  the  French  Communist  Party  honors  Picasso, 
but  also  declares  its  support  of  realism  in  art. 

Newspaper  announcements  list  Picasso  on  the  board  of  directors  of 
the  Communist-sponsored  book  Encyclopedic  de  la  renaissance  francaise. 

1  5  —  Le  Rendez-vous,  with  curtain  based  on  a  painting  by  Picasso,  sets 
by  Brassai,  and  choreography  by  Roland  Petit,  is  performed  by  the 
Ballets  des  Champs-Fh  sees  at  the  Theatre  Sarah  Bernhardt.  Picasso 
attends  the  opening  with  Brassai  and  his  wife  and  Dora.  His  curtain 
receives  a  mixed  reaction. 

2D  -  An  exhibition  of  Peintures  recentes  by  Picasso  takes  place  at  the 
Galerie  Louis  Carre,  organized  in  conjunction  with  the  Comite  France- 
Espagne  to  benefit  Spanish  relief  efforts.  It  includes  twenty-one  works 
and  is  accompanied  by  the  catalogue  Picasso  litres:  21  peintures, 
1940-1945.  Until  3  July. 


[above| 

Victims  of  the  German  concentration 
i  ,iiii|i  at  Buchenwald,  1945  Photograph 
by  Lee  Miller. 

[below] 

Installation  view  ol  the  Picasso  exhibition 
at  the  ( ralerie  Louis  Carre,  [une  1945 


(IIRONOI  o<;^ 


J  U  LY      19  4  5 


Picasso  leaves  for  Cap  d'Antibes  with  Dora,  where  they  stay  with 
Marie  Cuttoli.  Francoise  goes  to  Brittany,  although  Picasso  arranges  a 
room  for  her  at  Golfe-Juan  at  the  house  of  Louis  Fort.  With  Dora,  he 
visits  Menerbes,  where  he  had  acquired  a  house  by  trading  a  painting. 
At  some  point  he  gives  the  house  to  Dora.  He  does  not  see  Francoise 
again  until  26  November. 

Picasso  is  represented  in  Portraits  francais  at  the  Galerie  Charpentier 
and  Le  Pathetique  dans  I'art  at  the  Galerie  Jan-Marc  Vidal. 


i  v  -  The  Potsdam  Conference  between 
Stalin,  Truman,  and  Churchill  (and  later 
Clement  Attlee)  results  in  agreement 
on  the  partition  of  Germany  and  the 
German-Polish  border.  Until  7  August. 


AUGUST      19  4  5 

Picasso  returns  to  Paris. 


6  and  9  —  Atomic  bombs  are  dropped 
on  Hiroshima  and  Nagasaki. 

l  5  -  Emperor  Hirohito  announces  the 
surrender  of  Japan. 


SEPTEMBER      1945 

The  dealer  Martin  Fabiani  is  arrested  for  doing  business  with  Germans 
during  the  Occupation.  Picasso  reportedly  had  received  a  painting 
from  him  by  Henri  Rousseau,  which  left  the  Wertheimer  collection 
under  suspicious  circumstances.  Newspaper  articles  report  that  he  is 
slated  to  give  testimony. 

2  s  -  Two  paintings  by  Picasso  are  shown  in  the  Salon  d'Automne, 
which  features  a  retrospective  exhibition  of  work  by  Matisse.  Until 
29  October. 


NOVEMBER      1945 

2  -  Picasso  begins  to  work  in  the  lithographic  workshop  of  Fernand 
Mourlot,  whom  he  met  through  Braque.  He  returns  regularly  for  four 
months  and  produces  over  200  lithographs  there  over  the  next  three 
and  a  half  years. 

2  6  -  Francoise  visits  Picasso's  studio  for  the  first  time  since  July. 


1  3  -  After  a  constitutional  referendum, 
de  Gaulle  is  elected  head  of  the  pro- 
visional government  of  France.  He 
forms  a  coalition  government  on 
21  November. 


DECEMBER      1945 

Picasso  begins  work  on  his  large  painting  Monument  to  the  Spanish  Wlio 
Died  for  France  (Monument  aux  Espagnols  morts  pour  la  France) 
(cat  no.  83).  According  to  certain  sources,  he  shows  this  work  (hors 
catalogue)  together  with  the  Charnel  House  in  the  Communist-sponsored 
exhibition  Art  et  resistance  in  February  and  March  1946  at  the  Musee 
National  d'Art  Moderne. 

By  l  4  —  An  Exhibition  of  Paintings  by  Picasso  and  Matisse  opens  at  the 
Victoria  and  Albert  Museum  in  London,  with  twenty-five  works  by 
Picasso  dating  between  1939  and  1945,  and  a  catalogue  essay  on 
Picasso  by  Zervos.  It  unleashes  a  storm  of  public  controversy.  In  an 
amended  form,  it  travels  next  to  the  Palais  des  Beaux- Arts  in  Brussels, 
opening  in  May  1946. 

Sometime  during  the  winter  of  1945-46  Picasso  travels  to  Toulouse 
with  Sabartes.  There  he  visits  the  Varsovie  hospital,  which  was 
established  for  Spaniards  wounded  in  the  civil  war  and  which  Picasso 
supports  financially. 


228      CHRONOLOGY 


Notes 


Picasso,  War,  and  Art 

Steven  A.  Sash 

1.  The  lirsi  quotation  ciinics  hum  .1  statement  sen!  b)  Picasso  in  the  I  i 

American  Ai  n  sis'  Congress  in  New  York,  which  was  published  111  I  he 
New  York  Times,  IS  December  TT57;  reprinted  in  Allied  Ban,  Picasso: 
/•///1  Years  of  His  An  New  York:  the  Museum  of  Modern  Art,  1946),  264.        16. 
The  sec  i  mil  statement  is  derived  In  mi  an  interview  published  In   I  ei\  in 

"Picasso  n'esl  pas  oflii  lei  dans  I'ainiee  I  lam  .uses,"  Les  Le  tires  /rum  (lists  ~i. 

no    ik  24  March  1945    6    ["his  interview  is  often  quoted  as  a  manifesto  17. 

of  Picasso's  views  concerning  the  sociopolitical  purposes  of  art:  "(  hu 
.  royez  vous  i|ue  suit  mi  ail  i  sic  '  I   n  imbecile  qui  n'a  que  drs  \ru\  s'iI  est  IX. 

peintre,  des  oreilles  s'il  est  musicien  ou  une  lyre  a  tons  les  ctages  du  ID. 

coeur  s'il  est  poete.  . .  .  Bien  an  contraire,  il  est  en  meme  temps  tin  Sire 
politique,  (  onsianinieni  en  eveil  devant  des  dechirants,  ardents  mi  doux 
evenements  du  monde,  si-  faconnant  de  toute  pie<  e  a  leui  image.  .  . . 
Non,  la  peinlure  n'est  pas  laite  pour  decorer  les  apparlements.  C'esl  tin 
instrument  de  guerre  offensive  et  defensive  contre  1'ennemi." 

2.  Peter  1).  Whitney,  "I'uasso  is  Sale."  San  Francisco  Chronicle,  i  September 
I'M  I. 

3.  Pierre  l)ai\.  La  Vu  de  peintre  t/t  Pablo  Picasso  Pans:  Editions  du  Seuil, 
TI77  .  .122:  "I'u  \ois,  une  casserole  aussi,  ca  peut  crier  .  .  .  lout  pent  crier. 

Une  simple  bouleille.  Et  les  pommes  de  C'e/anne!"  21). 

I     I'rancoise  Gilot  and  Carlton  [.ake.  Life  with  Picasso  (New  York:  MiGiaw 
Hill,   I'M. I  .    II. 

.">.  Michele  Cone.  Artists  unthi  Vichy    I  Cast  ofPrejudict  and  Persecution 
Princeton,  X.  ).:  Princeton  Universit)  Press,  1992  ,  34;  quoted  from 
Edith  Thomas. 

t>.   See  tiote  1. 

7.  Roland  Pentose,  Picasso:  His  Life  and  Work  (Berkeley  and  l.os  Angeles: 
University  of  California  Press,  15)81),  48.  Daniel  Henry  Kahnweiler  later 
noted:  "Picasso  was  the  most  apolitical  man  I  have  known    .  .  .  He  had 
never  thought  about  politics  at  all.  but  the  Franco  uprising  was  an  event 
that  wrenched  him  out  of  this  quietude  and  made  him  a  defender  of 

peace  and  liberty."  My  Galleries  ami  Painters,  nans.  Helen  Weaver  21 

London:   Thames  and  Hudson.  1971  .  108.  Tor  an  overview  of  the 
debate  concerning  politic  al  c  ontenl  in  Pic  asso's  earlier  art,  see  Gertje 
Utley,  "Picasso  and  the  'Parti'  de  la  Renaissance  Francaise:  The  Artist  as 
a  Communist,  1944    1953"   Ph.D.  diss.,  Institute  of  Fine  Arts,  New  York         22. 
University,  1997  ,  18 

8.  Sidia  Shell,  in  "Picasso's  Ail  and  Politics  in  15)36,"  Arts  MagOljtU  58 

Octobei  1983):  III    18,  places  Picasso's  work  from  1936  into  the 

context  of  political  and  social  events  associated  with  the  leltist  Front 
populaire  in  Trance  and  the  use  ol  I. isc  ism  in  Germany,  Italy,  and  Spain. 

9.  See  the  draw ing  ol  5  April  1936  in  Zervos  VIII.  276. 

10.  Zervos  VIII,  285,  286,  287. 

11.  Zervos  VIII, 321, 322, 323. 

12.  Tins  woik  is  discussed  b)  Ludwig  UUmann  in  Picasso  uml  der  Krieg 

Bielefeld:  Kail  Keibei   Yei  lag.   1993),  73    74,  and  also  b)    Tian/Mexei 

m  "I'u  asso  und  die  Xeitgesi  hu  hte."  1'itasso  tin  Zweiten  Weltkrieg,  exh.  cat. 
(Cologne  Museum  Ludwig,  1988  ,  93-94. 

13.  See,  for  example,  his  Procession  m  Valencia  ol  ca.  1810-12  (Pierre  Gassier 
and  Juliet  Wilson.  f.'«i«.  His  Lilt  uml  TTbr£  [London:  Thames  and 
Hudson.  1971],  2  in  and  cat  no.  952  .  and  Ins  Procession  ofFlageUanti 
ibid.,  (.it  no.  967    Man)  affinities  exist  between  the  Dream  and  Lit 

of  Franco  and  Goya's  two  series  of  etchings  the  Disasters  of  War  and  Los 
PnverbiOi  Compare,  foi  example.  I'u  asso's  sc  enr  i  >l  Franco  tightrope 
walking  with  a  giant  phallus  and  religious  bannei  and  Goya's  plate  2  I 

entitled  Que  se  rompe  le  cueraa  ibid,  (at  no.  1128    The  folio  edition 

el  the  etc  lungs  iii(  hided  a  sheet  ol  poctrx  b\   1'n  asso. 

li     [he  clearest  interpretations  ol  meaning  and  possible  sources  remain 

those  b)  Anthonx   Blunt  in  Picasso's  Guernica    London  and  New  York 

Oxford  Universit)  Press,  1969  .  9   I  I,  and  UUmann,  Picasso,  66   -  I 

(  )n  the  possible  inlluenc  e  ol  politic  al  c  ai  loons,  see  Ph\  Ills  'I'm  hinan.  2 5 


"Guernica  and  Guernica,"   \rtfbrum  21,  no  8    \pnl  1983     il    51   In 

an  interview  with  Georges  Sadoul  al  Ins  stud i  earl)  sun 

Picasso  said  of  the  Dream  and  Lie  of  Franco  "C'esl        tin 'acti  d'ex£i 

n le  I'attental  donl  est  victime  le  peuple  espagnol    Cel  album  on  me 

demande  pom  le  vendre  au  profit  du  peupli  i   pagnol  el  ji  I  ai  fail  bien 
\olontieis  |e  n'avais  I'intention  de  faire  i|n>  deux  mi  trois  eaux  fortes 
l.i  puis  i  el. i  i n'esi  \  in u  |e  ne  sais  comment,  j'en  ai  Fail  beaucoup."  In 
"Une  demi-heure  dans l'atelier de  Picasso     /.'•    ■■■■••    !9Jul)   19 
<  >n  Picasso's  interest  injarry,  see  fohn  Richardson,  ivith  Marilyn 
McC'ulK.    I  /.//(  a/  Puassti.  \ol    i    New  York   Random  House,  1991), 
.   p    |  19  .. 
Reproduced  in,  among  othei  sources,  Sidra  Stich,   Inxious  Visions: 

Surrealist  Art  Berkeley:  Universit)  ofCalil a  Toss,  rrio.pl  67 

I'u  assn  i in-i  Dora  M.i.ii  I. in  in  1935  the)  became  lovers  soon  aftei 
[he  Museum  of  Modem  \i  I  Archives,  New  York    Mind  1 1   Barrji 

Papers,  box   Id,  subgroup  8.  series  152    quoted  in  Ban,  /  i/l\   Years,  264. 

See  Musee  Picasso  I.  M  P  1155,  1157,  1162. 

I  he  most  thorough  reconstructions  ol  the  development  ol  Guernica 

through  Us  mam  preparalorx  studies  are  found  in  |ran  Louis  Ferric  i 

l)t  Picasso  a  Guernica  Genialogit  d'un  tableau  Paris   L'Infini,  Denoel, 
1985  .  passim;  I  lei  si  hel  Chipp,  Picasso's  Guernica.  Histm  ■  .turns. 

Meanings  Berkeley,  Los  Angeles,  and  London:  Universit)  of  California 
Press,  15)88),  58-135;  [udi  Freeman,  Picasso  and  the  Weeping  Women:  The 
Years  oj  Mm  it  Thirist  Walter  &  Dora  Mum.  exh  cat     New  York   Los 
Angeles  Count)  Museum  of  An.  1994),  12  81;  and  1  llmann,  Picasso, 
801  Chipp  reproduces  the  studies  ol  the  artisl  and  model  in  pis 
i  I  I    is,  and  those  including  the  Orator  in  pis   5  is  and  5  i  I 

The  aic  httei  I  Josep  LI  ills  Sell,  designei  ol  I  lie  Spanish  Pavilion,  repi 
that  Pit  asso  said  to  hi  in  earl)  m  [une,  "1  don't  know  when  I  will  finish 
it  [the  mural],  maybe  never.  You  had  bettei  come  and  take  it  whenevei 

you  need  it."    The  typescript  ol  a  stale  men  I  b)   Sei  I  al  the  s\  mposium 

on  Cm  i  mi  a  held  at  the  Museum  ol  Modem  Art  on  25  Novembei  1947, 

inc  hiding  this  quote,  is  found  in  the  Allied  Ban   Papers;  quoted  b\ 
Freeman,  Wce/iin,"  Women.  d().  and  Chipp.  (iutinua.  I  >.">  and  2IS  n     !() 
who  reports  thai  Sen  repeated  this  account  in  conversations  with  him  in 

December  1078.  Photographs  ol  Picasso  inside  the  Spanish  Paxiltonal 

the  time  of  Guernica's  installation  in  midjune  are  published  b) 
Catherine  Blanton  Freedberg  in  L/ie  Spanish  Pavilion  al  the  Paris  World's 
Fair  (New  York:  Garland,  1986 

For  example,  the  large  Milliner's  Workshop  ofjanuar)  1926  in  the  Musee 
National  d'Art  Moderne,  Paris  (reproduced  in  William  Rubin,  ed  .  Pablo 
Picasso:  A  Retrospective,  exh.  cat.  [New  York:  The  Museum  ol  Modern   \ii. 
1980],  -1'   ' 

The  question  ol  the  symbolism  ol  the  horse  and  bull  is  discussed  mosl 
recently  b)  Brigitte  Teal  in  "'Le  lam  can  esi  un  i.uue.iu.  le  cheval  esl  mi 
cheval':  Picasso,  peintre  d'histoire,  de  Guernica  av  Charnier,"  in  / 
I'histoire,  exh.  cat  (Paris:  Centre  Georges  Pompidou,  1996),  142    19 
Picasso  told  Jerome  Seckler  that  "the  Gumma  initial  is  symbolic  .  .  . 
allegoric.   Thai's  the  reason  I  used  the  lunse.  die  bull,  and  used  symbol 
ism."  He  furthei  elaborated:  "Yes.  ihe  bull  then-  represents  brutality,  the 
In  use  the  people.  .  .  .  the  bull  is  not  fascism,  bul  il  is  brutalit)  and  dark 
ness."  Quoted  in  "Picasso  Explains,"  New  Masses  5  1.  no.  II    13  Mart  h 
1945     I  7.  In  a  letter  to  Alfred  Ban  written  in  Max  1947,  however, 
Kahnweiler  quotes  Picasso  as  sax  ing.  "But  this  bull  is  a  bull  and  this 
horse  is  a  horse.  .  .  .  It's  up  to  the  public    to  sit  what  il  wauls  to  See  " 

MoMA  An  luxes  AH  15  Papers;  lettei  read  al  the  s)  mposium  on 
Gut  i nn n  held  at  the  Museum  of  Modern  An  on  25  Novembei  1947; 

i|i id  b)  Don-  Vshton,  Picasso  on  Art:A  Selection  ofViews  [New  York 

and  Harmonds worth:  Penguin  Books,  1977], 

Between  [anuar)  and  Novembei  ol  19  17,  I'u  assn  made  nearl)  sixix 

individual  works  on  the  theme  ol  the  Weeping  Woman.  Foi  the  most 

inclusive  study  of  this  theme,  see  Freeman,  II  .passim 

See  Vndn  Malraux,  Picasso's  Mask  New  York   Holt,  Rinehart  and 

Winston,  1976  .  I  18,  and  Gilol  and  Take.  Lift  with  Picasso,  122  "1 

couldn't  make  a  portrait  ol  [Dora  Maai  |  laughing.  I  <n  me  she's  the 

weeping  woman   Foi  years  I've  painted  hei  in  tortured  forms,  nol 

through  sadism.  and  not  with  pleasure,  either;  |ust  obeying  a  vision 

that  forct  d  itst  II  i  in  mi 

Brigitte  Baei    /'  J.exh  (.it    Pans  Musee  Picasso, 


NOTES     229 


26. 


27. 
28. 


29. 


30. 

31. 

32. 
33. 
34. 
35. 


36. 


37. 


38. 

19 
40. 

41. 

12. 

I  I 


44. 


1996),  48.  Roland  Penrose  describes  a  visit  with  Picasso's  mother,  during 
which  she  reported  the  incident  of  a  burning  convent  near  her  apartment, 
in  Scrap  Book,  1900-1981  (New  York:  Rizzoli,  1981),  85. 
A  photograph  of  this  sculpture  is  reproduced  by  Rosamond  Bernier, 
Matisse,  Picasso,  Miro  as  1  Knew  Them  (New  York:  Knopf,  1991),  147,  who 
also  quotes  Picasso  on  the  origin  of  the  work  as  a  flea  market  bust  of 
Venus  that  Picasso's  father  reworked  with  plaster  and  then  painted. 
Baer,  Gravures,  52,  and  her  essay  in  this  volume. 
On  Picasso's  connections  with  the  Republican  government,  and  his 
support  of  different  relief  efforts,  see  Chipp,  Guernica,  1  f. ;  Cone,  Artists 
Under  Vichy,  151-52;  Utley,  "Picasso  and  the  'Parti,'"  53-54,  57-59. 
Alfred  Barr  quotes  Mary  Gallery,  purchaser  of  the  important  painting 
Woman  with  a  Cock,  as  saying  that  Picasso  did  not  wish  to  sell  the  work 
but  agreed  to  do  so  only  because  he  wanted  to  raise  money  for  Spanish 
aid.  [Fifty  Yean,  265.)  In  fall  1938,  Picasso  sent  Guernica  for  exhibition 
in  England  under  the  auspices  of  the  National  Joint  Committee  for 
Spanish  Relief. 

Penrose,  Life,  324,  reported  that  he  went  to  Picasso's  apartment  and  saw 
the  recentlv  finished  Night  Fishing  at  Antibes  on  the  night  after  Hitler's 
invasion  of  Poland.  He  must  have  been  mistaken  in  his  dates,  however, 
since  Jaime  Sabartes  recorded  Picasso's  departure  from  Antibes  on  26 
August  [Picasso:  An  Intimate  Portrait  [New  York:  Prentice  Hall,  1948], 
182-83). 

For  reviews  of  the  considerable  literature  on  this  painting,  see  William 
Rubin,  Picasso  in  the  Collection  of  the  Museum  of  Modern  Art  (New  York:  The 
Museum  of  Modern  Art,  1972),  232-33,  and  Timothy  Anglin  Burgard, 
"Picasso's  Night  Fishing  at  Antibes:  Autobiography,  Apocalypse,  and  the 
Spanish  Civil  War,"  Art  Bulletin  68,  no.  4  (December  1986);  esp.  656  n.  1. 
Harriet  and  Sidney  Janis,  Picasso:  The  Recent  Years  1939-1946  (Garden 
City,  N.Y.:  Doubleday,  1946),  text  to  pi.  5. 

These  towers  are  generally  described  in  literature  on  the  painting  as  both 
belonging  to  the  chateau  Grimaldi,  but  this  is  not  the  case. 
A  suggestion  first  made  by  George  Levitine;  the  painting  is  reproduced 
in  Rubin,  Museum  of  Modern  Art,  233. 

On  the  painting  and  engravings  after  it,  see  Anniversary  Exhibition,  exh.  cat. 
(London:  Trafalgar  Galleries,  1996),  cat.  no.  3. 

Christian  Zervos,  LArt  de  la  catalogue  de  la  seconde  moitie  du  neuvieme  siecle 
a  la  fin  du  quinzieme  siecle  (Paris:  Editions  Cahiers  d'Art,  1937),  pi.  80, 
no.  133.  A  major  exhibition  on  medieval  Catalonian  art  entitled 
L'Art  Catalan  du  Xe  au  XVe  siecle  was  presented  at  the  Musee  du  Jeu 
de  Paume  in  Paris  in  March  and  April  of  1937,  and  Picasso  served  on 
the  organizing  committee. 

Ibid.,  pi.  5.  On  the  influence  of  Catalonian  art  on  Picasso,  see  also 
Chipp,  Guernica,  87-89,  and  Pierre  Cabanne,  Pablo  Picasso:  His  Life  and 
Times  (New  York:  William  Morrow,  1977),  77-78. 

Lydia  Gasman  throws  much  new  light  on  the  question  of  Picasso's  fear 
of  aerial  bombardment,  and  its  reflection  in  his  work,  in  her  essay  in 
this  book.  Sabartes  brief  comments  on  the  painting  are  also  illuminating 
vis-a-vis  its  underlying  emotive  message:  "[Picasso]  could  not  have 
refrained  from  expressing  the  heavy  emotions  and  the  increasingly 
tragic  presentiments  which  hovered  over  us  in  those  days."  (Sabartes, 
Intimate  Portrait,  181.) 

See,  for  example,  Cheveaux  el  personnage  from  11  September  1939  in 
Picasso:  Die  Sammlung  Ludwig  (Munich:  Prestel  Verlag,  1993),  cat.  no.  39. 
Leal,  cat.  no.  42,  folios  3-9. 

These  sources  are  thoroughly  analyzed  in  Jean  Boggs,  ed.,  Picasso  & 
Things,  exh.  cat.  (Cleveland:  Cleveland  Museum  of  Art,  1992),  263-64. 
See  Zervos  X,  549-51. 
Kahnweiler,  Galleries  and  Painters,  118. 

Bouguereau's  famous  Birth  of  Venus  is  illustrated,  for  example,  in  William 
Bouguereau,  exh.  cat.  (Montreal:  Montreal  Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  1984), 
cat.  no.  X'». 

Sketchbook  from  10  Januar)  to  26  Ma)   1940,  published  in  Leal,  cat. 
no    15;  see  folios  20-48;  (he  motif  continues  into  the  sketchbook  from 
March  1940  ibid,  cal  no.  14).  The  drawing  dated  14  March  19  Hi  is 
reproduced  in  Leal,  cat.  no.  14,  folio  69V. 
[bid.,  cat  no.  13,  folios  28   10. 
Ibid.,  cat.  no.  Id,  I  oho  1 1R.  It  is  theorized  thai  work  on  the  canvas 

pioglcssed  III  luu  phases,  u  III  l  ,l  In  si    (  husk  li'l  ,il  il\    <  1 1 1 1 1 '  1  <lil  i  iimpiisil 


painted  in  March  and  a  second  added  over  the  top  injune.  See  Rubin, 
Museum  of  Modern  Art,  234  n.  3. 

47.  Ibid.,  158. 

48.  Published  in  Leal,  cat.  no.  42. 

49.  Rumors  that  Picasso  had  taken  part  in  the  Resistance  movement  began 
to  circulate  internationally  at  the  time  of  the  Liberation.  Some  of  these 
rumors  were  put  into  writing,  for  example,  by  Alfred  Barr  in  "Picasso 
1940-1944:  A  Digest  with  Notes,"  Museum  of  Modern  Art  Bulletin  12,  no.  3 
(January  1945),  where  he  notes  that  "[Picasso's]  position  in  the  Resis- 
tance Movement  is  of  unique  importance"  (2),  and  that  "[Picasso's]  very 
existence  in  Paris  encouraged  the  Resistance  artists,  poets  and  intellectu- 
als who  gathered  in  his  studio  or  about  his  cafe  table"  (2).  Other  writers 
sympathetic  to  Picasso's  postwar  politics  also  have  sought  to  fortify  any 
possible  linkage  with  the  Resistance  and  paint  an  activist  role  for  his  art. 
Emile  Szittya,  for  example,  claims  that  "the  works  of  Picasso,  particulai  lv 
those  that  he  created  during  the  Occupation,  all  demonstrate  a  barely 
concealed  action  against  fascism"  (in  "Notes  sur  Picasso,"  Courrier  des 
arts  et  des  lettres  [Paris,  1947],  24).  Pierre  Daix  writes,  "II  suffit  dire  que 
Picasso  a  ete  considere  par  tous  les  resistants  actifs-Eluard,  Yvonne  et 
Christian  Zervos,  .  .  .  Louise  et  Michel  Leiris  qui  hebergerent  le  dirigeant 
communiste  Laurent  Casanova,  Laurent  Casanova  lui  meme-comme  un 
des  leurs  par  les  idees  et  le  courage"  [La  Vie  de peintre,  296).  For  some  of 
the  false  accusations  of  collaborationist  activities,  see  Seckler,  "Picasso 
Explains,"  4.  Utley  lists  more  sources  on  this  subject,  "Picasso  and  the 
'Parti,'"  (SO  and  111  n.  226. 

50.  It  became  a  common  ploy  for  Picasso's  detractors  during  the  war  years 
to  label  him  as  Jewish  or  group  him  among  artists  negatively  influenced 
by  "Jewish"  elements  in  modern  art.  For  example,  Fernand  Demeure 
wrote,  "Picasso,  e'est  le  delire  juif.  II  a  le  don  inne  du  pastiche  et  cette 
soif  native  de  detruire,  comme  a  tout  fils  ou  demi-fils  d'Israel"  (in 
"Explications  de  quelques  maitres  modernes,"  Le  Reveil  du  Peuple  [Paris, 
29  March  1944]).  The  most  famous  denouncements  of  Picasso  as  a 
Jewish  artist  came  in  Fritz  Rene  Vanderpyl,  LArt  sans  patrie,  un  mensonge: 

Le pinceau  d'Israel  (Paris:  Mercure  de  France,  1942);  John  Hemming  Fry, 
Art  decadent  sous  le  regne  de  la  democratic  et  du  communisme  (Paris:  Henri 
Colas,  1940);  and  Maurice  de  Vlaminck,  "Opinions  fibres  .  .  .  sur  la 
peinture,"  Comoedia'2,  no.  50  (6  June  1942):  1,  6  (reprised  in  his  Portraits 
avant  deces  [Paris:  Flammarion,  1943],  181-89). 

51.  The  letter  from  the  Office  de  placement  allemand  dated  16  September 
1943  instructing  Picasso  to  appear  for  his  preliminary  examination  and 
to  sign  a  work  contract  was  discovered  in  the  archives  of  the  Musee 
Picasso  by  Gertje  Utley  (see  Utley,  "Picasso  and  the  'Parti,'"  61).  The 
letter  reads  in  part:  "you  have  been  selected  to  leave  as  part  of  the 
program  of  voluntary  workers  to  Germany.  .  .  .  We  expect  that  you  will 
understand  vour  duty  towards  Europe  and  that  .  .  .  you  will  answer  our 
appeal  willingly.  You  are  forewarned  that  any  attempt  at  sabotage  or  any 
failing  will  be  mercilessly  punished."  In  1941,  Picasso  had  transformed 
press  photographs  propagandizing  the  work  program  in  Germany  into 
blistering  parodies  by  drawing  over  them  in  pencil,  changing  the  faces 
of  happy  workers  into  monstrosities.  See  Anne  Baldassari,  Picasso  and 
Photography:  The  Dark  Mirror,  exh.  cat.  (Paris:  Flammarion;  Houston: 
Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  1997),  figs.  246-47. 

52.  Andre-Louis  Dubois,  A  trovers  trois  republiques:  Sous  le  signe  de  Tamitie 
(Paris:  Plon,  1972),  144:  "Des  bruits  circulaient  que  repercutait  Maurice 
Toesca  [another  friend  of  Picasso's].  Nous  voulions  que  Picasso  reste 
invisible  pour  que  personne  ne  pense  a  lui,  qu'il  soit  oublie." 

53.  For  specific  auctions,  exhibitions,  and  dates,  consult  the  Chronology  in 
this  book. 

5  1.   fean  Cocteau  is  one  source  for  the  report  that  a  Picasso  painting  was 
ordered  off  of  view.  See  Journal  1942-1945  (Paris:  Editions  Gallimard, 
1989),  298-99.  Picasso  repeated  many  times  to  friends  and  interviewers 
that  he  had  been  prohibited  from  exhibiting  during  (he  Occupation  specif- 
ic ally  due  to  a  request  by  the  Spanish  Embassy  to  German  authorities. 

55.   Sabartes,  Intimate  Portrait,  passim,  and  Brassai,  Picasso  and  Company, 
trans.  Francis  Price  (Garden  City,  N.Y.:  Doubleday,  1966  .  passim. 

"id    See  the  accompanying  Chronology  for  a  list  of  participants.  Several 
sources  on  Picasso's  life  during  the  war  give  listings  of  the  participants 
and  members  of  the  audience,  sometimes  with  slight!)  contradictory 

information.  See,  foi  example,  Brassai,  Picasso  and  Company,  144-45; 


230     NOTES 


58 
59. 


60. 


Dubois,  A  travers  trots  ripubliques,  1  16;  and  Sum  mm-  de  Beauvoir,  / 
<li- 1 'age  (Paris:  Editions  Gallimard,  I960),  58 
.~>7   Different  pieces  of  legislation  passed  aftei  the  beginning  "I  the 
Occupation  allowed  foi  the  <  onfisc  ation  "l  public  si  ulptures,  to  be 
inched  down  foi  then  bronze  content   Even  though  il  was  high!)  illegal 

and  nsk\,  Picasso  managed  to  ha\e  numerous  umk\  (  asl  during  the 

Occupation.  Brassai  relates  the  rather  suspicious  stor)  thai  Picasso's 
1 1  lends  transported  the  new  casts  in  handcarts  from  a  clandestine 
foundr)  to  Picasso's  studio,  a)  night  and  right  undei  the  noses  ol  the 
N«i/is   Brassai.  I'nassu  and  Company,  19  51     In  letters  written  in  Jul)  and 
August  ol  l!)40,  when  I'nassu  was  still  living  in  Royan,  Christian  Zervos 
says  he  is  looking  aftei  Pi(  asso's  si  ulptures  and  is  waiting  foi  the  "un<  le 
of  Valsuan)  |  v<|"  to  come  to  Paris  so  that  othei  bronzes  and  plasters 
could  be  transported  to  Pit  asso's  studio   letters  ol  2  t  Jul)  and  8  August 
I!)  10,  I'uasso  An  hives.  Musee  l'n  asso,  I'.uis      I'll  is  implies  a  lelationship 

si i II  active  in  1940  \\  nil  the  Valsuani  foundry,  and  ma)  provide  a  ( lue 
about  the  casting  ol  si  ulptures  over  the  next  few  years.  In  his  diaries, 
Cocteau  reported  thai  the  famous  Head  of  a  Hull  fashioned  from  a  bic\cle 
seat  and  handlebars  had  been  newly  cast  as  ol  '2!  •  June  1942  see  Journal, 
142,  171). 

Gilol  and  Lake,  l.i/i  with  Picasso,  II    I  ."> 

Zervos  informed  Picasso  ol  tins  developmenl  in  a  lettei  dated  24 Jul) 
If  MO.  (Picasso  Archives,  Musee  Pi<  asso.  Paris     He  units   "Sur  la  porte 
de  voire  appartment  23  rue  La  Boetie  el  sur  celle  de  I'atelier  Grds 
Augustins,  l'ambassade  d'Espagne  a  appose  des  feuilles  mettant  ces  deux 
lot  au\  sous  sa  protection." 

Soutine  died  on  I  August  1943  and  Jacob  on  24  Februar\  l!>4  1.  Ilelene 
Set  kel  and  Andre  Cariou  have  laid  to  iesi  the  old  suspicions  that  I'uasso 
willfull)  ignored  the  plight  ol  Ins  friend  [acob,  when  he  was  arrested  b) 
the  Nazis,  Foi  an  account  ol  attempts  led  b\  Cocteau  to  intervene  on 
Jacob's  behalf,  see  Max  Jacob  it  Picasso,  exh.  cat.  Paris:  Musics  des 
Beaux-Arts,  and  Paris:  Musee  Picasso,  1994 
id    Dubois.  A  travers  iron  ripubliques,  145;  Gilol  and  Lake  Lift  with  Picasso, 
13-44. 

62.    Whitne\,  "I'uasso  is  Sale,"  4. 

6  :    See  note  50. 

ii  I     Sec  note  "ill  loi  lull  referent  e.  \  l.immi  k  writes,  in  his  attack  on  cubism: 
"Quelle  duperie,  n'est-ce  pas,  de  vouloir  penelrer  le  sens  divin  du 
inonde  a  I'aide  de  I'absurdile  nietaph\  siquc  d'une  Kabale  ou  d'un 
Talmud?  . . .  Le  Cubisme!  Pen  ersite  de  I'esprit,  insuffisani  e,  amoralisme, 
aussi  eloigne  de  la  peinture  que  la  pederastie  de  I'amour." 

65  Maurice  Toesca,  Cinq  am  de  patience  (1939-1945)  Paris:  Editions  Emile- 
Paul,  1975  .  178-79. 

66  AmoBreker,  Parts,  Hitler  et  moi  (Paris:  Presses  de  la  Cite,  1970),  234-36. 
"C'esi  ainsi  qu'on  me  sigiiala  que  I'uasso  elait  sur  le  point  d'etre  arrele  .  .  . 
II  aurail  ete  tin  communiste  ,u  til  et  aurait  tente  de  laire  passer  en  fraude  des 
i\v\  ises  rn  Russie  par  le  Danemark,  et  en  Espagric."  Breker  also  look  i  redit 
foi  saving  Maillot's  Jewish  model  Dina  Yicrnv    Cocteau  confirmed  that 
Breker  had  been  of  help  to  both  him  and  Picasso:  "C'est  grace  a  Breker 
que  Picasso  et  moi  avons  eles  sauves  du  pire.  Je  ne  I'oublierai  jamais." 
From  Le  Passe  di /in  i  I.  1951    1952,  Journal  (Paris:  Editions  Callimard, 
1983),  352. 

1)7.   Ernsi  [linger,  Journal  deguerrt  et  d'uuupatmn,  1939   1948   Paris:  Rene 
Julliard,  1965  .  I  19  51,  and  Gerhard  Heller,  Un  Allemand  a  Pain 

I 'I  la    1944    Pans:  Editions  du  .Villi.   1981  .   117-19.  Hellci  tells  ol  a 
( icii nan  corporal  named  Hans  Kuhn  who  visited  Pit  asso  ,ii  Ins  studio 
and  look  main  photographs    124).  One  German  soldier  is  known  to 
have  I  lough  I  from  Pit  asso.  through  the  dealer  |eanne  But  her,  a  drawing 

ol  a  reclining  nude.  See  "Em  Stuttgartei  Sammler:  Us  Soldat  bei  Picasso 
in  Paris,"  Pablo  Picasso  in  da  Staatsgalieru  Stuttgart,  exh.  cat.  (Stuttgart: 

Staatsgalerie  Stuttgart,  IDSI  ,   fid.  Picasso  supposedl)  had  an  incriminat- 
ing discussion  with  this  soldiei  in  which  he  is  said  to  have  expressed 
pleasure  with  the  Cerman  enforced  curfew  in  Pans  suite  it  gave  him 
more  uninterrupted  time  foi  work,  but  tins  tlisi  ussion.  il  u  look  plat  e,  is 
reported  without  an)  ol  the  iron)  oi  sarcasm  that  it  must  have  contained. 
t>8    I'u  asso  appareniK  told  the  stor)  about  Abel/  to  a  number  of  different 
people.  To  a  t  orresponclenl  foi    V< ,  hi  eek.  however,  he  reported  thai  the 
incident  actuall)  involved  an  unnamed  Cerman  armv  officei    "Picasso 
and  the  Cesi.qii.."   \tu\uni    2  I,  no    I  t  |2o  Seplembei    1944]:  98,   100 


78 


7!) 


80 


SI 


87 


88 


\uil  wuli  oil  in  intervii  wers,  the  stoi  v  changed  i"  Picasso  handing  out 
posii  .mis  ol  Guernica  to  German  visitors  as  "souvenirs." 

I  tlev  disputes  this  possibility,  underscoring  the  genuineness 
ol  Picasso's  commitment  to  du-  Communist  Part)    "Picasso  a  in  I  the 

T.llll. '"    I'l 

Brassai,  Picasso  and  Company 

I  lommage  a  Pablo  Picasso,  qui  v&  ul  toujours  tie  la  vie  tie  la  1  rani 
Les  Lettres  franchises  A,  no  20  9Septembei  1944   8 
MoMA  Archives    VHB  Papers;  8,  unit   I,  letter  of  28  March  19 
reprinted  and  translated  in  Cone,   Wtistsunati  I  14 

I'u  asso's  painting  has  been  reprodui  ed  m. un  nines,  starting  with  [anis 
.ii it  I  [anis,  li<n  ul  iiars,  pi.  99,  although  the  present  whereabouts  ol  the 

win  k  ,ue  now  unknown 

John  Groth,  "Letter  from  Paris,"   [rtDigestl9   I  Decembei  1944    9;  Lee 
Miller.  "In  Pans  .      I'uasso  Still  at  Work,"  Vogrn    15  Octobei  1944 
'i.s  wo.  [49   ;o,  i  i  I;  [ohn  Pudney,  "Picasso  A  Glimpse  in  Sunlight," 
The  New  Statesman  and  Nation  28,  no  708    l6Septembei  1944     182 

l'elel    \\  llllllev  .  "I'll  asso  is  Sale  " 
I  'tlev .  "I'u  asso  and  die  Tain.'"  73 

Bv  I, ii  the  most  thorough!)  researched  s ce  on  Picasso's  involvement 

with  the  Communist  Party,  .mil  the  reflection  ol  these  commitments 

in  Ins  ,ui,  is  I  tlev .  il  ml.,  passim.  Fougeron  i  l.iiineil  ili.ii  die  initial  idea 

loi  honoring  I'u  asso  at  the  Salon  d'Automne  had  no  ulte notives, 

and  dial  even  he  was  surprised  to  leam  that  I 'it  asso  was  planning  i"  join 
die  Part) 

Naturally,  support  for  Picasso  came  mosl  rapid!)  and  most  strong!)  from 
left-wing  writers  through  the  Communis!  affiliated  /<>  Lettres  francaises. 

See.  lor  example,    \ndie  1  hole.  "Le  Sail  111  J"  \i line  '  Ln  raSSemble- 

menl  de  la  I  line  peintui  e,"  mi  2  !  Sepi  ember,  and  Louis  Parrot,  "Picasso 
all  Salon."  on  7  (  Hlnliei    I'M  I,  but  also  ( leorges  I.iniboui.  "I'uasso  ail 

Salon  d'Automne,"  Le  Spectateur  des  Arts,  no.  I    Decembei  I'M  I     i 

and  Regine  Ran  last.  "I'u  asso  an  Salon  d'Automne,"  purines  it  CouleUTi  6 

1944):  185-87. 

For  Picasso's  various  contributions  to  chanties  ,uu\  involvement  with 
different  boards  and  committees,  see  the  accompanying  Chronolog) 
and  also  Utley,  "Picasso  and  the  'Parti,'"  176-77,  209  no.  180  82,  On 

the  epuration  proceedings  against  artists,  see  ibid..  12  1.  180  n.  !l. 

For  Picasso's  statement  of  why  he  joined  the  Communist  Party,  see  Pol 

Caillard's  interview  ol  I  'it  asso  published  as  "Whv   1  Bei  aim- a  Coinmu 

nist,"  in  New  Masses  53,  no    I   24  Octobei  1944):  11,  and  in  an  expanded 

version  in  I.'Hu maniti  ll.no  64   29    10  Octobei  1944     1   2;  reprinted  in 

Barr,  Fift)  Years,  267   68.  Picasso  slated:  "Mon  adhesion  an  Parti  COmmu- 

niste  est  la  suite  logique  de  toute  ma  v  ie.  de  tOUte  nion  oeuv  re.  .  .  . 

Je  suis  de  nouveau  parmi  mes  freres!" 

On  issues  ol  nationalistii  reat  don  in  post  Liberation  1 1  un  ism.  and  per- 

t  eptions  of  Picasso  as  an  outsider,  see  (tlev ,  i'u  asso  and  the  'Parti,'" 

118  n.  27!),  2.41 1.,  and  278  n.  85. 

"Pu  asso:  The  Painter  Who  Defied  the  Germans  finds  Himself  the  Hero  ol 

a  Revoluiionaiv  Mood,"  New  York  Times  Magazim  291  (ctobei  1944),  18 

"Picasso  and  Matisse,"  Spectator,  no.  (i  12!)    14  Decembei  I'M".     ">h7 

Foi  example,  N.  Bercovici,  "Picasso  and  Mi    Vyrton,"  Special 

(21  December  1945  :  595,  and  H.  Nicolson.  "Afterthoughts  Regarding 

the  Pit  asso  Controversv."  Spectator,  no  6132    IJanuar)   1946     I" 

Zervos,  "Pablo  Picasso."  Exhibition  nl  Paintings  In  Picasso  and  Matisse, 

exh  cat.   London:  British  Council  and  Victoria  and  Mbert  Museum, 

1945  ,  1-4. 

Zervos  XI,  92. 

Heller,  Allemand,  MS   "Dev.mt  la  Nature  morle  an  eraiu  dl  boeuf  il  nous 

di  sai  I      | 'ai  pi -nil  t  ela  la  mill,  i  ai   |i    pi  I  Ii  i  e  en  i  e  in.  mieiii  lei  Ian  age 

uoi  till  no  a  let  Linage  nalurel        .  II  l.iiidiail  que  voiis  levenie/  tie  mill 

poui  le  vi hi 

See  the  interpretations  given  bv  Boggs  in  Picasso  <s  Things,  268,  and 
Brigitte  I'.aei  in  hei  essav  in  die  pieseui  catalogue  Zervos  did  not  give 
1 1 M  painting  a  prei  ise  date  in  Ins  catalogue  raisonne,  but  il  is  listed  as 
"lo  Mav  l'i  H"  in  [anis  and  [anis,  Recent  Kara.pl  60.  An)  inscription  it 

ill. iv    have  had  mi  Us  leveise  has  been  inveied  bv   a  lelliung 

Foi  some  ol  the  more  simplisti<  still  lifes  of  the  period,  see  Zervos 
Will.  ||    12  18    174-89.  On  the  series  of  tomato  plants,  see  the 

,  atalogue  entr)  on  one  of  these  paintings  in  B 


MM  IS     231 


89.  Gilot  and  Lake,  Life  with  Picasso,  120. 

90.  Malraux,  Picasso 's  Mask,  138. 

9 1 .  James  Lord,  Picasso  and  Dora:  A  Personal  Memoir  (New  York:  Farrar  Straus 
Giroux,  1993),  121-22;  Brassai,  Picasso  and  Company,  224.  The  painting  is 
currently  in  the  collection  of  Mr.  Stephen  Wynn,  Las  Vegas. 

92.  Georges  Wildenstein,  Ingres  (London:  Phaidon,  1954),  cat.  nos.  27  and  280. 

93.  Baer,  Gravures,  59,  and  her  essay  in  this  volume. 

94.  Cowling  in  Elizabeth  Cowling  and  John  Golding,  Picasso:  Sculptor /Painter, 
exh.  cat.  (London:  Tate  Gallery,  1994),  cat.  no.  105,  dates  the  sculpture 
to  February  or  March  1943,  based  in  part  on  Brassai's  assertion  (Brassai, 
Picasso  and  Company,  51).  Picasso  told  Brassai  that  he  was  aided  in  his 
work  on  the  sculpture  by  Paul  Eluard  and  his  chauffeur  Marcel.  He 
modeled  the  form  in  clay  in  a  single  session.  Because  the  armature  was 
not  strong  enough  to  support  the  weight  of  the  clay,  however,  the 
sculpture  began  to  collapse  and  had  to  be  held  up  with  ropes  tied  to  the 
ceiling.  To  stabilize  it,  Picasso  had  the  work  cast  into  plaster  and  it  was 
this  plaster,  made  in  two  sections  for  greater  ease  of  handling,  that  stood 
in  Picasso's  studio  for  the  remainder  of  the  war  and  is  now  part  of  the 
collection  of  the  Centra  de  Arte  Reina  Sofia  in  Madrid  (ibid.,  161).  The 
animal  in  the  sculpture  is  referred  to  in  early  sources,  and  by  Picasso 
himself,  as  both  "mouton"  and  "agneau."  We  have  chosen  to  use  the 
title  Man  with  a  Lamb  because  it  better  fulfills  the  sacrificial  implications 
of  the  sculpture. 

95.  Quoted  in  Musee  Picasso  I,  145. 

96.  See  Cowling  and  Golding,  Sculptor/Painter,  cat.  no.  105,  and  Albert 
Elsen,  "Picasso's  Man  with  a  Sheep:  Beyond  Good  and  Evil,"  Art 
International 21,  no.  2  (March-April  1977):  8-15,  29-31.  Recently,  Phyllis 
Tuchman  has  proposed  that  the  man  in  the  sculpture  is  a  portrait  of 
Max  Jacob.  See  "Picasso's  Sentinel,"  Art  in  America  86,  no.  2  (February 
1998):  86-95. 

97.  See  Zervos  XIII,  59-64,  296-300;  XIV,  101-108. 

98.  Pudney,  "Picasso:  A  Glimpse,"  182-83:  "[Picasso]  believes  that  outside 
events  caused  him  to  seek  a  greater  objectivity.  He  said  that  the  tendency 
in  the  creative  artist  is  to  stabilize  mankind  on  the  verge  of  chaos.  'A 
more  disciplined  art,  less  constrained  freedom,  in  a  time  like  this  is  the 
artist's  defense  and  guard,'  Picasso  said.  'Very  likely  for  the  poet  it  is  a 
time  to  write  sonnets.  Most  certainly  it  is  not  a  time  for  the  creative  man 
to  fail,  to  shrink,  to  stop  working.'"  Gertje  LItley  discusses  the  painting  in 
the  context  of  the  neonationalistic  thinking  that  arose  in  France  after  the 
Liberation  as  a  reassertion  of  traditional  French  values,  a  movement  that 
included  some  factions  highly  critical  of  Picasso.  "Picasso  and  the  French 
Post-war  'Renaissance':  A  Questioning  of  National  Identity,"  in  Picasso 
and  the  Spanish  Tradition  (New  Haven  and  London:  Yale  University 
Press,  1996),  107-108.  For  more  on  Picasso's  bacchanal,  see  Susan  Grace 
Galassi,  in  Picasso 's  Variations  on  the  Masters:  Confronting  the  Past  (New 
York:  Harry  N.  Abrams,  1996),  90-94. 

99.  Although  the  Monument  to  the  Spanish  does  not  appear  in  the  exhibition 
catalogue,  various  writers  who  saw  the  show  record  its  presence  there. 
For  example,  see  Daix,  La  Vie  de  peintre,  328,  and  Kahnweiler,  Galleries 
and  Painters,  120.  On  the  iconography  of  the  painting,  see  Utley,  "Picasso 
and  the  'Parti,'"  172-75  (who  questions  its  inclusion  in  Art  et  resistance), 
and  Cowling  and  Golding,  Sculptor/Painter,  cat.  no.  114.  Picasso  owned  a 
bugle  very  similar  to  the  one  in  the  painting,  which  he  loved  to  blow.  It 
is  shown,  complete  with  its  tassels,  in  a  photograph  by  Cecil  Beaton  of 
Picasso  in  his  studio  (Picasso  Archives,  Musee  Picasso,  Paris). 

100.  See  Robert  Rosenblum,  "The  Spanishness  of  Picasso's  Still  Lifes,"  in 
Jonathon  Brown,  ed.,  Picasso  and  the  Spanish  Tradition  (New  Haven  and 

London:  Yale  University  Press,  1996),  92-93. 

101.  Lord,  Picasso  and  Dora,  325. 

102    Disc  ussion  of  I  he  possible  influence  of  news  about  the  concentration 
camps  is  found  in  Utley,  "Picasso  and  the  'Parti,'"  127 f.,  and  Baldassari, 
Photography,  214,  figs.  244  and  245.  William  Rubin,  among  others,  wrote 
that  Picasso  had  painted  Charnel House  in  response  to  revelations  of  the 
camps  (Rubin.  Mini  inn  of  Modern  Art,  166     I  lowc\  c-i .  the  fact  that  pho 
tographs  oi  the-  camps  and  their  victims  taken  during  the  Allied  liberta- 
imus  did  not  appear  until  April  1945  after  the  painting  was  begun,  has 
cast  doubt  on  this  assertion.  Utley  and  Baldassari  show,  nevertheless, 
tli at  Pic  asso  was  c  erlainh  aware  of  I  lie  Camps  and  had  even  seen 
photographs  ol  them  well  belore  stalling  work  on  Charnel  House. 


Picasso  sought  out  Daix  at  one  point,  who  was  a  survivor  of  a  German 
concentration  camp,  to  ask  him  how  closely  Charnel  House  matched  the 
reality  of  the  camps  and  exterminations  (Daix,  La  Vie  de  peintre,  322). 

103.  See  Rubin,  Museum  of  Modern  Art,  238-41,  and  Gertje  Utley's  essay  in  this 
volume  for  photographs  of  different  stages  of  the  painting's  development 
and  discussion  of  the  dates  involved.  The  most  detailed  account  of  this 
development  is  found  in  Utley,  "Picasso  and  the  'Parti,'"  127 f. 

104.  Picasso  exhibited  the  painting  in  Art  et  resistance  in  Paris  in  February 
and  March  of  1946.  He  agreed  to  donate  it  to  the  Communist  veterans 
association  to  be  sold  to  raise  money  but  apparently  desired  to  work 
on  it  further.  He  kept  it  for  several  more  years  before  selling  it  in  1954. 
Although  it  is  signed  and  dated  1945,  he  definitely  worked  on  it  later 
but  seems  to  have  made  the  last  changes  by  April  1946. 

105.  Rubin  (Museum  of  Modern  Art,  169)  discusses  the  expressive  qualities  of 
this  lack  of  finish. 

106.  See  Brassai,  Picasso  and  Company,  224,  257;  and  Pierre  Daix,  Picasso 
Createur:  La  Vie  intime  et  Toeuvre  (Paris:  Editions  du  Seuil,  1987),  294-95. 

107.  Rubin,  Museum  of  Modern  Art,  166. 

108.  Gilot  and  Lake,  Life  with  Picasso,  74. 

109.  "Picasso's  Guernica,"  London  Bulletin,  no.  6  (October  1938):  (i. 


Picasso's  Disasters  of  War:  The  Art  of  Blasphemy 

Robert  Rosenblum 

Some  of  the  material  in  this  essay  was  first  given  as  a  lecture  at  the  Museo 
Nacional  del  Prado  on  14January  1996,  and  then  published,  in  a  Spanish 
translation,  as  "El  Guernica  de  Picasso:  El  conjunto  y  las  partes,"  in 
El  Museo  del  Prado:  Fragmentos  y  detalles  (Madrid:  Fundacion  Amigos 
del  Prado,  1997),  175-90. 

1.  On  Picasso's  intentions  for  the  eventual  display  of  Guernica  in  Madrid, 
see  the  statement  by  his  lawyer,  Roland  Dumas,  in  Ellen  C.  Oppler,  ed., 
Picasso's  Guernica  (New  York  and  London:  Norton,  1988),  153-55. 

2.  The  relationship  between  Guernica  and  Goya's  Third  of  May,  1808  and 
Disasters  of  War  was  already  noted  in  1937  by  Jose  Bergamin  in  "Le 
Mystere  tremble:  Picasso  furioso,"  Cahiers  d'Art  7,  nos.  4-5  (1937): 
137-39.  Since  then,  the  comparison  of  Guernica  to  Goya's  war  imagery 
has  been  made  countless  times  in  both  general  and  specific  ways.  See, 
for  example,  Herschel  B.  Chipp,  Picasso's  Guernica:  History, 
Transformations,  Meanings  (Berkeley,  Los  Angeles,  and  London:  University 
of  California  Press,  1988),  passim. 

3.  This  plausible  suggestion  was  made  in  Hugh  Thomas,  Goya:  The  Third 
of  May  1808  (New  York:  Viking  Press,  1973),  94.  The  actual  buildings 
depicted  by  Goya  seem  to  elude  precise  identification. 

4.  "La  lanterne,  e'est  la  Mort."  See  Andre  Malraux,  La  Tele  d'obsidienne 
(Paris:  Editions  Gallimard,  1974),  42.  Picasso  also  commented  on  the 
strange  overall  lighting  of  the  painting,  which  resembled,  but  was  differ- 
ent from,  moonlight.  For  a  fascinating  study  of  Goya's  lantern  in  the  con- 
text of  scientific  invention  and  the  symbolism  of  the  Enlightenment,  see 
Albert  Boime,  "La  luz  mortifera  de  Goya  y  la  Ilustracion,"  in  El  Museo  del 
Prado:  Fragmentes  y  detalles,  291-323.  Boime  also  refers  here  to  the  parallel 
symbolism  of  the  lightbulb  in  Guernica. 

5.  For  some  provocative  comments  on  the  newness  of  Gova's  religious 
paintings,  see  Fred  Licht,  Goya  and  the  Origins  of  the  Modern  Temper  in  Art 
(New  York:  Universe  Books,  1979),  ch.  3. 

6.  Goya:  Exposition  de  Toeuvre  grave,  de  peintures,  de  tapisseries  et  de  cent-dix 
dessins  (Paris:  Editions  des  Bibliotheques  Nationales,  1935). 

7.  On  this  drawing,  see  Josep  Palau  i  Fabre,  Picasso:  The  Early  Years, 
1881-1907  (New  York:  Rizzoli,  1981),  92-93. 

8.  On  this  joke  and  its  sources,  see  Temma  Kaplan,  Red  City.  Blue  Period: 
Social  Movements  in  Picasso's  Barcelona  (Berkeley:  University  of  California 
Press,  1992),  55-56. 

9.  See  the  discussion  in  John  Richardson,  "Picasso's  Apocalyptic 
Whorehouse,"  New  York  Review  of  Books  Mi,  no.  7  (23  April  1987):  40-47. 

10.  The  theme  is  fully  studied  in  Suzanne  L.  Stratton,  The  Immaculate 

Conception  m  Spanish  Art  Cambridge:  Cambridge  University  Press,  1994) 


232      NOTES 


[5 


I  have  ahead)  proposed  this  irreverenl  reference  to  II  Greco's 
Assumption  in  "The  Spanishness  ol  Picasso's  snl I  Lifes,"  in  |onathan 
Brown,  ed.,  Picasso  and  the  Spanish  Tradition  \™  Haven  and  London 
Yak-  Universit}  Press,  1996  .  75  77  It  should  be  added  thai  the  mixture 

ol  sailed  and  profane  and  the  appearance  ol  whores  in  heaven  have 
ample  precedence  in  Picasso's  art.  espei  i.iIK  in  the  Burial o)  Casagemas 
[901  .  On  these  matters,  see  espe<  iall)  ["heodore  Reff,  "Themes  of  Love 

and  Death  in  Picasso's  l.ails  Work."  in  I'ltasso,  1SSI    I'lT.i.  eds    Roland 

Penrose  and  |ohn  (folding    London:  Paul  Llek.  1973  .11     Vi 

A  less  subtle  fusion  ol  Virgin  and  whine  in  one  Spanish  image  mas   lie 

found  in  Ramon  Cases'  poster,  SifiUs,  an  advertisement  foi  a  sanitarium 

offering  i  uies  toi  ss  plulis    I  he  woman  depicted  holds  the  w  lute  hl\  ol 
the  Virgin  Annunciate  in  hoi  loll   simsiei    hand,  while  revealing  behind 
the  mantilla  on  hei  bat  k  that  she  holds  in  her  right  hand  the  snake  from 
the  Garden  of  Eden,  the  ultimate  symbol  of  sexual  temptation.  It  is  illus- 
trated in  ManKn  Mi  lulls ,  Els  Ojiain  (iuh  Aii  in  Barcelona  around  1900 

(Princeton:  Princeton  I'nivotsits   Press,  l''7K  .  73, 

For  a  telling  i  omparison  with  1.  S,  Eliot's  mixture  ol  the  imagers  ol  aerial 
bombings  with  Cat  hoi  11  it  onogi.iphv  ,  as  well  as  loi  i  omments  on  i  elated 
readings  ol  the  s\  mbolism  ol  Guernica,  see  (ames  Leggio,  "Allied  11.  Barr 
Jr.  as  a  Wrilei  ol  Al  logins  :  An  1 1  i  si  ins   in  a  Literals  Context,"  in   tin 

Museum  of  Modern  Art  at  Mid  Century:  Continuity  and  Change;  Studies  in 

Modem  Art,  no.  5  New  York:  The  Museum  ol  Modem  Ait,  1995  ,  120  31. 
The  sisual  analogies  between  one  particular  page  ol  the  BeatUS  manu- 
scripts, The  Deluge  in  the  Afimahpu  uj  Saint  Sever,  and  Guernica  are  often 
cited,  probabls  first  in  [uan  Larrea,  Guernica:  I'abln  l'iea\so  New  York: 
Curt  Valentin,  1947),  fig.  12.  Larrea,  in  fact,  offers  in  his  text   written  in 
1945  nums  elaboratel)  speculative  readings  ol  Guernica  in  the  context 

of  apocalv  ptu  imagei  s ,  in  parlii  ul.u  ,  and  Christian  imagei  s .  in  genei  al. 

Subsequently,  Picasso's  awareness  and  use  ol  these  Romanesque 

manuscripts,  from  the  late  1920s  on,  became  a  frequent  theme  in  the 

literature.  Foi  a  i  ompilation  ol  useful  referent  es,  see  fimoth)  Anglin 

Burgard,  "Picasso's  Night  Pishing  al  Antilles:  Autobiographs ,  Apoi  als  pse, 

and  the  Spanish  Civil  War,"  Art  Bulletin  68,  no.  1    Decembei  1986): 

656   72.  ospoi  Kills  notes  29-35. 

Oppler,  Picasso's  Guernica,  100-1,  pi  nuts  out  a  related  cartoon  by  Rene 

Dubosc,  published  on  the  front  page  ol  l.'Hiiinamte  2N  April  1937  . 

w  bit  h  shows  a  dove  of  peace  lying  decapitated  on  a  mock  Roman 

sacrificial  altar  seising  fascist  dictators. 

Picasso's  lather's  pigeons  turn  up  often  in  the  first  throe  chapters  of  John 

Richardson,  A  Life  of  Picasso,  1881   1906,  vol.  1    Now  York:  Random 

House,  1!)!)1),  including  a  reference  (.52)  to  the  1!U2  cubist  still  life. 

This  painting  is  disi  ussed  in  fascinating  detail  and.  foi  the  lust  lime,  in 

reference  to  its  subliminal  Christian  leadings  in  Joan  Sutherland  Boggs. 

Picasso  &  Things,  exh.  cat.  Cleveland:  The  Cleveland  Museum  ol  Art, 

1992),  no.  32. 

On  those  still  hies  and  thou  leading  as  humanoid  "disasters  of  war,"  see 

Jose  Lope/  Res.  "( los  a\  Still  Lifes,"  Art  Quarterly  II     1948):  251    60;  and 

William  B.Jordan  and  Peter  Chens,  Spanish  Still  Life  from  Velazquez  to 

Goya   London:  National  (Jailors,  Publications,  I'l'l.",  .  175-85. 

On  this  painting.  Dog  and  Cock,  see  the  lull  discussion  in  Boggs.  1'ieasso 

&  Things,  no.  78. 

The  richest  and  mosi  sharp  eyed  ai  i  ount  ol  this  extraordinary  series  is 

found  injudi  Freeman,  Picasso  and  the  Weeping  Women:  The  Years  of 

Mam  Theresi  Walter  &Dora Moor,  exh.  cat  Los  Angeles:  Los  Angeles 

Count)  Museum  ol  Ait.  1994  ,  where  a  passing  reference  is  made  to 

the  Spanish  tradition  ol  the  main  dolorosa  29  . 

(  )n  this  thaw  mg.  see  also  ibid.,  5  I 

See  Roland  Penrose,  Picasso:  ///» /.//*  and  Work.  2nd  ed.   New  York: 

Shoe  ken  Books,  1962  .  275 

Thestors  is  told,  and  the  ssoi  k  lepmdui  oil.  in  Rosamond  Bei  nier,  Matisse, 

Picasso,  \ln"  as  I  Knew  Them  New  York    UfredA  Knopf,  1991  ,  146   17 

The  most  extreme  example  ol  tins  kind  ol  interpretation  is  found  in  the 

indefatigable  multiple  leadings  ol  ever)   image  in  the  painting  lis   Melsin 
I.    Beli  i. ill  in  his  l'iiasso\  Guernica:  Imagis  within  Images   Rohneit  Park, 
California:  Mils  m  1.  Belt  iall  Publisher,  1981  .  with  latei  revised  editions 
and  mans  epistolar)  postscripts. 
1  oi  the  I ul lest  account  ol  Griinewald's  impact  on  Picasso,  see  Susan 


Grace  Galassi,  Picasso's  Variations  on  tlu  Masters:  Confronting  tht 

(New  'link    Hans    N      villains.   [9  I 

26  On  Dix's  triptych,  see  Fritz  LSffler,  Otto  Di\.  Leben  und  Werk  Dresden 
Verlagdei  Kunst,  I960  .  9  I  96 

27  On  this  and  othei  newspapei  act ts  of  thi  bombing  in  the  French 

press,  see  especiall)  Herbert  R  Southworth,  Guernica!  G  I  Study 

of  Journalism,  Diplomacy,  Propaganda,  and  History   Berkele)    I  niversit)  ol 
California  Press,  197'    10"    8  For  later  accounts  of  the  impact  of  news 
papei  ai  i  .  mi  us  and  ill  usual  ions  ,ni  Cm  i  nun.  see  Phyllis  I  in  hm.in. 
"Guernica  and  Guernica,'   \rtfrmm  21,  no  *    Vpril  19  I    and 

Chipp,  Picasso's  Guernica,  t  h    i 

28  I  he  often  repeated  comparison  with  Poussin's  and  Reni's  Wassacn  of  tin 
Innocents  was  probabl)  lust  made  in  Vnthon)  Blunt,  Picasso's  "Guernica" 

London  <  Ixford  I  niversit)  Press,  1969  .  I 

29  I  he  wmks  ul  ( lutierrez  Solana,  with  then  recurrent  Spanish  themes  and 
images  of  war  and  apocalyptit  disaster,  often  offei  foreshadowings  ol 
Guernica  as  well  as  of  the  Girl  be)  For  tht  fullt   t  account  ol 
his  an.  see  [ose  Luis  Barrio  t..uas.  fosi  Gutierrt   Solana  Paintings  and 
Writings  l.ewisbiiig.  Pennsylvania:  Bucknell  Universit)  Press, 

10  I  Ins  source  ssas  lusi  suggested  l>s  Dustin  Rice,  according  to  [oseph 

Masheck,  "Guernita  as  Art  Hislors."    \it  Sen  >  ti'i.  no    N    Deiembei 

oil  Masheck,  who  includes  mans  othei  art  historical  sources  foi  the 

painting    I'oiissin,  Rem.  Rubens,  Ingres,  eti  ,  .  then  goes  on  to  SUg) 
that  Saint  Paul's  conversion   Paul      I'abln  may  allude  to  Picasso's  "con 

version"  to  the  Communist  Party.  Picasso,  incidentally,  was  quite  aware 
ol  Caravaggio's  Conversion  of  Saint  Pan/ while  painting  Guernica  Dali, 
who  visited  him  then,  recounts  that  Picasso  said  that  he  wanted  the  bins! 
to  be  as  lea  1 1  si  u  as  in  Caiasaggm.  SO  thai  mil  i  in  lid  smell  the  sweat,  and 

joked  thai  his  younger  compatriot,  a  master  of  hyperrealism,  should 

paint  the  horse  for  him.  See  Carlton  Lake,  in  (hint  »/  Dull    Ness  York 
G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons.  1969  .  16.  A  related  image.  Sainl  I  ieorge  and  the 
Dragon  (in  a  painting  bs   \  itale  de  Bologna:,  has  also  been  proposed  as 
a  source  for  the  horse  in  Guernua  See  Manuela  Mena  Marques,  "I  n 
precedente  italiano  on  el  Cm  iima  de  Picasso,"  Actes  de  las  IJornadas  de 
Arte  organizadas por  el  Inslituto  "Diego  Velazquez" (Madrid:  Consejo 

Superim  de  Ins  esligai  limes  Cientilii  as.   I ' » S  J  .   |i,,"i    72. 

31.  Pointed  out  in  Chipp.  l'ica\\o\  Cmmica,  127-28. 

32.  This  remark,  which  may  be  apocryphal,  is  cited  in  Tonus  Harris, 
Goya:  Engravings  and  Lithographs,  vol.  I   Oxford:  15  Cassuei.  riiio.su 

33.  The  comparison  between  this  kneeling  figure  and  Ingres' s  Jupiter  and 
Thetis  seems  to  go  back  to  the  late  IliiiOs.  See  ms  lean  Auguste-Dominigm 
Ingres    Ness   York:  Hans   N,  Abrams,  1967  .  2  I    24;  and  Blunt.  Picasso's 
"Guernica,"  Al. 

34.  As  evidenced,  lor  example,  in  the  woman  ssho  looks  up  al  the  mirai  le 
ssorking  Sainl  Anthons  ol  Padua  in  the  frescoes  at  San  Vntonio  de  la 
Florida,  Madrid. 

35.  See  above,  note  1 1 

36.  A  Christian  leading  ol  the  pa m img.  involving  references  to  the 
Crucifixion  and  animal  sacrifice,  has  also  been  pioposed  in  M.uk 
Rosenthal,  "Picasso's  Night  Fishing  at  Antibes:  A  Meditation  on  Death." 
Art  Bulletin  i>5,  in.    I  .December  1'iS  ;     i.pl    )8 

37    Illustrated  in  Burgard.  "Nighl  fishing."  t>i>(i 

iiS.  Alfred  II    Ban.  Jr.  oil.  Masters  of Modern  Art  (New  Viik    I  lie  Museum 

,.i  Modem  Art,  1954  .  94 
19   See  Burgard,  "Nighl  Fishing,"  669  70 
10.  Foi  furthei  remarks  on  this  painting,  see  Picasso:  lh<  Lom  and  tlu  Anguish 

-  The  Road  to  Cm  inn  u.  r\h  cat.   Kyoto    [he  National  Museum  ol 

Modern  An.  1995  .  no   109, 

11  Boggs,  Picasso  &  Things,  nos.  103 

12  Foi  the  mosi  recent  interpretation  ol  the  propei  identit)  "I  the  annual 

and  the  s.u  nhi  nil  <  liaiai  lei  ol  lh  is  m  ulpiun  .  mi    l'hs  His    I  in  I  una  11. 

"Picasso's  Sentinel,"  Art  in  America  86,  no  2  Februar)  14 

i  I    I  in  the  fullest  discussion  ol  Zurbaran's  panning,  ol  which  there  are 

several  versions,  see  Jeannine  Baticle,  Zurbardn  Ness  Vnk    I  he 

Metropolitan  Museum  ol  \n.  1987  .  no 
1 1    I  in  a  wide  ranging,  erudite,  and  enjoyable  act  ounl  ol  Pit  asso's  treatment 

of  sheep,  buds,  and  mans   Othei  animals,  see  Neil  Cox  and  Deborah 

Povey,  A  Picasso  Bestiar)   London    Vcadem) 
Editions,  1995 


NOUS     233 


4.1.  See  Boggs,  Picasso  &  Things,  no.  104.  I  have  also  discussed  the  relevance 
of  Goya's  painting  in  "The  Spanishness  of  Picasso's  Still  Life,"  87-90. 

46.  For  the  earliest  detailed  description  and  analysis  of  the  Charnel  House,  see 
William  Rubin,  Picasso  in  the  Collection  of  the  Museum  of  Modern  Art  (New 
York:  The  Museum  of  Modern  Art,  1972),  166-69,  where  the  date  of  the 
painting's  inception  is  given  as  late  1944  rather  than  February  1945. 

47.  See  Elizabeth  Cowling  and  John  Golding,  Picasso:  Sculptor/Painter,  exh. 
cat.  (London:  The  Tate  Gallery,  1994),  no.  44. 

48.  I  have  already  suggested  the  relevance  of  Goya's  Ravages  of  War  in  Rubin, 
Picasso  in  the  Collection,  238  n.  7,  fig.  161. 

49.  See  Anne  Baldassari,  Picasso  and  Photography:  The  Dark  Mirror,  exh.  cat. 
(Paris:  Flammarion;  Houston:  The  Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  1997),  214, 
fig.  244. 

50.  Rubin,  Picasso  in  the  Collection,  166. 


Death  falling  From  The  Sky:  Picasso's  Wartime  Texts 

Lydia  Csato  Gasman 

In  memory  of  my  Icarus,  Horel-Zwi. 

1.  Picasso,  cited  in  Simone  Gauthier,  "Picasso,  The  Ninth  Decade:  A  rare 
interview  with  the  86-year  old  master  and  his  40-years-younger  wife," 
Look  20  (November  1967):  87-88. 

2.  Brassai,  Picasso  and  Company,  trans.  Francis  Price  (Garden  City,  N.Y., 
1966),  40. 

3.  For  relevant  discussions  of  air  power  see:  Eugene  M.  Emme,  The  Impact 
of  Air  Power:  National  Security  and  World  Politics  (Princeton:  Van  Nostrand, 
1959);  Jesus  Salas  Larrazabal,  Air  War  over  Spain,  trans.  Margaret  A. 
Kelly  (London:  Allan,  1974);  and  R.J.  Overy,  The  Air  War  1939-1945 
(New  York:  Stein  and  Day,  1981). 

4.  Fresco  attributed  to  Francesco  Traini,  before  1345,  Camposanto  in  Pisa; 
see  Millard  Meiss,  Francesco  Traini,  ed.  Hayden  B.J.  Maginnis 
(Washington,  D.C.:  Decatur  House  Press,  1983),  40-43. 

5.  Minotaure  10  (winter  1937):  19. 

().  Picasso,  1  May  and  2  April  1938,  cited  in  Picasso:  Collected  Writings,  ed. 
Marie-Laure  Bernadac  and  Christine  Piot  (New  York:  Abbeville  Press, 
1989),  195,  193.  Unless  otherwise  specified,  the  English  translations  from 
Picasso's  original  Spanish  and  French  texts  cited  in  Picasso:  Collected 
Writings  are  my  own. 

7.  Inspired  by  "l'argot  des  poilus,"  bees  were  used  to  mean  "bombs"  and 
"airplanes"  in  Apollinaire's  poems  of  World  War  I  (J.  G.  Clark,  "De  fil 
en  aiguille,  complement  a  une  etude,"  in  La  Revue  des  lettres  modernes: 
Guillaume  Apollinaire  15,  53;  and  Guillaume  Apollinaire,  Calligrammes: 
Poems  of  Peace  and  War  (1913-1916),  trans.  Anne  Hyde  Greet  (Berkeley: 
University  of  California  Press,  1980),  249,  265. 

8.  For  the  "cognitive  appraisal"  of  the  danger  represented  by  air  raids, 
see  Ronald  A.  Kleinknecht,  The  Anxious  Self:  Diagnosis  and  Treatment  of 
Fears  and  Phobias  (New  York:  Human  Sciences  Press,  1.986),  20,  25; 
Kleinknecht's  emphasis. 

9.  Marc  Bloch,  Strange  Defeat:  A  Statement  of  Evidence  Written  in  1940, 
trans.  Gerard  Hopkins  (New  York:  Oxford  University  Press,  1968),  57; 
Bloch's  emphasis. 

10.  Ibid.,  54. 

I  I     Ibid.,  56.  Note  that  the  English  translation  leaves  out  the  adjective 
"hostile"  that  was  attached  to  the  sky  in  the  original  French  text:  "ciel 
hostile."  Marc  Bloch,  L'Etrange  defaite:  Temoignage  ecrit  en  1940  (Paris: 
A.  Michel,  1957),  84.  See  also  Jean- Pierre  Azema,  1940,  Tannee  terrible 
(Paris:  Seuil,  1990),  365;  and  ( 'anile  Fink,  Marc  Bloch:  A  Life  in  History 
(Cambridge:  Cambridge  University  Press,  1989).  Parallelling  Bloch's 
phenomenologicaJ  insights  into  aerial  terror,  Picasso's  wartime  poetry 
presents  the  "bombs  going  into  a  dive"  (172),  the  "wailings  of  sirens" 
(21 1  ,  the  "cement  of  the  sky"  (205),  its  "liquid  bricks"  (239)  "fall[ing] 
1 1  inn  the  high  furnaces  of  the  blue"  (23  I),  heaven  and  its  "mantle  of  cru- 
elty" (236).  And,  almost  exactly  like  the  "pictures  of  torn  flesh"  conjured 
up  by  the  "dropping  ol  bombs  Irom  the  sk\"  in  liloc  h  libid.l,  the  "skin 
is  npprd  oil"  the  autobiographical  "house"  1210)  in  Picasso's  Christmas 


1939  text.  On  the  wooden,  small  house,  in  Spanish,  caseta,  see  n.  91. 

12.  Bloch,  Strange  Defeat,  51. 

13.  Herman  Parret,  "'Ma  Vie'  comme  effet  de  discours,"  La  Licornc  14 
(1988):  163;  see  also  17,  169,  172-75.  Although  a  model  for  many  semio- 
logical  formalists,  in  Circumfessions Jacques  Derrida  refutes  the  reductive 
theory  that  autobiographical  texts  (and  events)  are,  in  fact,  linguistic- 
cultural  constructs.  See  Geoffrey  Bennington  and  Jacques  Derrida, 
Jacques  Derrida,  trans.  Geoffrey  Bennington  (Chicago:  University  of 
Chicago  Press,  1993),  205-9.  Robert  Smith  notes  that  Derrida's 
Circumfessions  is  his  "most  thickly  autobiographical  text."  Robert  Smith, 
Derrida  and  Autobiography  (Cambridge:  Cambridge  University  Press, 
1995),  15. 

14.  As  in  note  1,  supra. 

15.  Allan  Young,  The  Harmony  of  Illusions:  Inventing  Post-Traumatic  Stress 
Disorder  (Princeton:  Princeton  University  Press,  1995),  289.  Recent 
studies  on  the  psychological  effects  of  war  include  the  anthology 
Psychological  Dimensions  of  War,  ed.  Betty  Glad  (Newbury  Park,  California: 
Sage  Publications,  1990). 

16.  Curtis  Cate,  Andre  Malraux,  A  Biography  (London:  Hutchinson,  1995),  229. 

17.  On  strategic  terror  bombing  see  The  Laws  of  War:  Constraints  on  Warfare 
in  the  Western  World,  ed.  Michael  Howard,  GeorgeJ.  Andreopuolos,  and 
Mark  R.  Shulman  (New  Haven:  Y^ale  University  Press,  1994);  and  Lee 
Kennett,  A  History  of  Strategic  Bombing  (New  York:  Scribner,  1982). 

18.  Giulio  Douhet,  The  Command  of  the  Air  (1921-1929),  trans.  Dino  Ferrari 
(New  York:  Coward-McCann,  1942). 

19.  Andre  Malraux,  Man's  Hope,  trans.  Stuart  Gilbert  and  Alistair 
MacDonald  (New  York:  Modern  Library,  1983),  347,  369.  Malraux  also 
notes  that  Franco's  "rebel  army"  was  instructed  to  "adhere  strictly"  to  the 
Douhet-based  rule  that  "it  is  essential  to  inspire  a  certain  salutary  dread 
in  the  [enemy]  population"  because  it  entails  a  "lowering  effect  on 

the  morale  of  his  troops."  Ibid.,  377.  Picasso  "considered  illustrating"  Man's 
Hope.  Andre  Malraux,  Picasso 's  Mask  (New  York:  Holt,  Rinehart,  Winston, 
1976),  45. 

20.  Malraux,  Man's  Hope,  367. 

21.  Picasso  was  prescient.  As  early  as  14  December  1935,  in  an  untitled  poem 
appended  to  his  (handwritten)  collage-text  (61,  65)  made  up  of  clippings 
from  Le Journal  (8  December  1935,  2-3)  that  mentioned  the  Third  Reich 
and  the  "Italo-Ethiopian  conflict"  (ibid.)  -  when  the  Duce's  air  force 
bombed  hospitals  and  civilians  -  the  "threat  of  the  wing"  (65)  hovers 
over  a  couple  in  love  and  their  sobbing  infant.  Picasso's  menacing  wing 
elicits,  specifically,  the  "Italian  squadrons"  that,  as  the  headlines  in  Le 
Journal  broadcast  (ibid.,  1,  5),  heavily  bombed  Dese,  the  capital  of  central 

Ethiopia,  while  the  French  and  the  British  were  discussing  the  possibilitv 
of  a  "reglement  amiable  du  conflit  italo-etiopien"  and  Mussolini  was 
declaiming  an  "ardent  discours  contre  les  sanctions"  against  Italy 
imposed  by  the  League  of  Nations.  Read  in  relation  to  these  headlines 
dominated  by  the  air  war  in  Ethiopia,  such  purposefully  selected  citations 
in  Picasso's  collage-text  inevitably  suggest  the  connection  he  established 
between  death  coming  down  from  the  sky,  life  on  earth,  and  his  personal 
existence:  "les  enfants  martyrises"  (61)  [Le Journal,  8  December,  2); 
"l'appel  des  morts  de  la  guerre"  (til)  (Le Journal,  ibid.);  "oiseaux  qui  .  .  . 
partirent,  laissant  derriere  eux  des  figures  de  nouveau  ravagees"  (65) 
(Le Journal,  ibid.);  "expirante  .  .  .  sous  une  armoire"  (65)  (Le Journal, 
ibid.);  "la  mort  mysterieuse  d'une  infirmiere"  (65)  (Le Journal,  ibid.,  3); 
"l'arbre  de  Noel  des  petits  Italiens"  (65)  (Le Journal,  ibid.,  2).  Even 
"donneuses  de  lait"  (65)(Le Journal,  ibid.)  becomes  an  allusion  to  Marie- 
Therese  nursing  Maya  under  the  "threat  of  the  wing,"  a  scene  that  one 
day  later  Picasso  conjured  in  his  elegiac  drawing,  Marie-Terese  nourissant 
Maya  (15  November  1935;  Robert  Rosenblum,  "Picasso's  Blond  Muse: 
The  Reign  of  Marie-Therese,"  in  Picasso  and  Portraiture,  exh.  cat.  (New 
York:  The  Museum  of  Modern  Art,  1996),  366.  On  14  December,  for 
the  first  time  in  his  writings,  Picasso  replaced  the  traditional  benevolent 
wing,  which  not  long  ago  touched  the  "harmonium  with  its  caress"  ( 17 
August  1935,  23),  with  a  hostile  apparition,  the  "threat  of  the  wing"  (65). 
And  a  few  months  later,  just  three  d,i\s  after  a  brutal  skirmish  between 
the  Republican  Left  and  the  Falange,  "which  suggested  that  civil  war  had 
almost  begun,"  Picasso  contemplates  the  "first  rendezvous  of  the  wings" 
in  the  "blue  |sk\  |  setting  on  fire  [the]  black  of  the  space"  (19  April  1930. 
122).  The  news  concerning  the  savage  bombings  in  Spain  reached 


234      NOTES 


Picasso  ihrough  numcmui  channels,  including  Paul  Eluard  and  Roland 
Penrose.  The  latter  visited  Picasso's  mother,  sister,  and  nephews  in 
Barcelona,  probabl)  in  the  summei  Fall  ol  1936  Picasso's  mothei  told 
him  about  the  fire,  smoke,  and  stench  al  a  convent  next  to  hei  apart 
ment.  Roland  Penrose,  Scrap  Book  (fie*  Yak:  Rizzoli,  1981  ,  8  i  In 
Picasso:  His  Life  and  Work  Berkele)    I'niversitx  ol  California  Press,  I ' » <s  l  . 
296,  Penrose  dors  not  mention  Ins  visit  with  Picasso's  mother,  and  is 
vague  about  the  wa)  in  which  Picasso  learned  the  troubling  news  con 
cerning  the  convent  in  Han  dona.  At  the  end  ol  19  16,  David  Gascoyne, 
who  |ust  returned  to  Pans  aftei  having  visited  Picasso's  famil)  in 
Ban  elona  with  Penrose,  noted  Picasso's  eagerness  to  lea  in  "news"  from 
those  whom  he  loved,  as  well  .is  his  "depressed  and  anxious"  state  of 
mind  caused  b)  the  civil  wai    See  Gasiovne.  "|oiiinal   10. in    pl.t"."  in 

Spanish  Front:  Writers  on  the  Civil  War,  ed.  Valentine  Cunningham   New 
York:  Oxford  Universit)  Press,  1986  .  271   2.  From  letters  sent  b) 

Kahnweilei  to  Max  |aiob  at  the  beginning  ol  |ul\    P'  t « >  and  on  20 
Novembei    P'th,  we  also  learn  that  Picasso  was  oppressed  1>\  the  situa 
lion  in  Spam:  "Pic  asso  est  sombre,  soluble,  depimie    Pes  e\enmenls 
d'Espagne  le  preorcupent."  See  1  lelene  Sei  kel.  Max  Jacob  et  Picasso,  exh.  cat. 
(Paris:  Musee  des  Beaux-Arts.  199  1 1,  239. 

22.  lii  Andre  Malraux  and  fose  Bergamin;  see  Malraux,  Picasso's  Mask,  10-11. 

1A.  Penrose.  Picasso:  His  Life  and  Work.   !07 

24.  Pn  asso.  cited  in  Pierre  Cabanne,  Le  Steele  </<  Picasvi.  I  \ols     Pans 
Editions  Denoel,  1975  ,  2:33. 

25.  Irving  Pflaum,  "Death  from  the  Skies,"  in  Nothing  but  Danger,  ed.  Frank 

C.  Ilanighorn    New  Yolk:  National  Travel  Club.  1939  .  222. 

26.  Hugh  Thomas,  The  Spanish  Civil  War,  rev.  and  enlrg.   New  Yoik:  Harper 
and  Row.  1977),  807. 

27.  Picasso  remarked  to  Laporte  that  Ins  s\  mbol  lot  peat  e  was  a  "pigeon" 
that  contradicted  the  commonplace  notion  ol  the  "gentle  dove";  as  far  as 
he  was  concerned  there  was  "no  crueller  animal"  than  the  dove.  His  own 
doves  "pecked  a  | little  pigeon  to  death  bei  ause  the)  didn't  like  it. 

Ihe\  pei  ked  Us  e\  es  out,  then  pulled  it  to  pici  es.  It  was  horrible.  1  low  \ 
that  for  a  symbol  ol  Peace  '"  See  Genevieve  Laporte,  Sunshine  at 
Midnight:  Memoirs »/  Picasso  and  Cocteau,  trans.  1).  Cooper  London 
Weidenfeld  and  Nicolson,  I'i7,">  ,  7-8. 

28.  Malraux,  Man's  Hope,  139. 

20    Marie-Therese  Walter,  conversation  with  author,  Januarv   1072.  Mane 
I  herese  also  told  me  that  Pit  asso  was  relieved  w  hen,  on  25 June  19  10, 
the  Franco- German  armistice  came  into  fort  e    Pit  asso  told  Marie 
Thciese:  "i  'est  mietix  (  omme  c  a  "    1  lie  wai  had  been  too  much  for 

him.  He  was  not  alone,  the  "great  majority  of  the  French  felt  relieved" 
for  obvious  reasons.  See  Azema.  I')  H>:  1'amici  terrible,  194. 

10  Gertrude  Stem  had  ahead)  observed  that  Picasso  had  the  capacit)  to 

imagine  things  as  il  the)  were  haiku  matoriK  real,  to  "see"  graphically 
what  he  thinks:  see  Edward  Bums,  ed.,  Gertrude  Stun  on  1'icasso,    New 

York:  Liveright,  1970),  24. 
31.  Thomas,  Spanish  (i:d  War.  714. 
:i2    The  Guardian  Book  of  the  Spanish  Civil  War,  ed.  R.  H.  Haigh,  1)  S.  Morris, 

and  A.  R.  Peters  Aldershot:  Wildwood  House,  1987  .  206. 

See  the  disi  ussion  ol  Picasso's  "Samson  complex"  in  Gasman,  "Mystery, 
Magic  and  Love:  Picasso  and  the  Surrealist  Writers.  102.">    38,"    l'h  1 ) 

diss.  Columbia  University,  1981  ,696  98. 

11  I  lam  oise  Gilol  with  Cailtoil  Lake,  l.l/i  withPicOSSO   New  York:  Mi  (.law 

Hill,  1964  ,23. 

15  |aime  Sabartes,  Picasso:  An  Intimate  Portrait,  trans,  from  the  Spanish  b) 
Angel  Flores  (New  York:  Prentice  Hall,  1948),  107 

16  On  '  and  I  Septembei,  l.'E\iel\wi  reported  that  the  Luftwaffe  bombed 
the,  us  ol  "CZESTOHt  >\  \.  Ill  I  SAINT  DE  POU  »GN1  ":  and  its 
loth  i  enluiN  i  loistei  housing  the  elfig)  ol  (he  nuiai  ulous  "blai  k  \  irgin" 

I  September.  1.    t:   I  Septembei.  front  page  :  the  analog)   with  the 

bombing  ol  Guernica  in  19  >7  would  not  have  escaped  IV  asso. 
,i7.  From  the  mid  19  (Os.  Le  Figaro,  though  adhering  to  the  traditional 
"positions  ol  the  right"  was  again  si  the  pro-Fascist  extreme  right  and 

i  onsisient l\  denounced  the  dangers  ol  Nazism   See  Ifistoirt  generate  de  la 

preSSt  /in  in  am.  5  \oK,  eds.  Claude  Bcllanger.  Jacques  ( iodehol.  Piene 
( iliiial,  and  leinand    lei  i  oil    Pans:  Pi  esses  1   ni\  el  sit.tu  e  di    I  i  am  e. 

1972  .  I    Mi 
18    L  Figaro,  I  August  1939,  I;  see  also'    August  19 


51 


58 


59 


60 


/,  Figaro,  |ul)  19  19 

/..  Figaro,  August  19  19 

Le  Figaro,  29  Vugusl  1939  I  of  "La  Franci  devant  la  crise,"  its 

"agome  vers  la  guerre"  were  em  apsulated  in  photographs  showing  the 

procedun  foi  blocking  the  windows  of  cellars  to  be  used  as  shelters 

against  bombs  in  Parisian  buildings   Le  Figaro,  26  Vugusl  1939,  1;  28 

August  19  19,  i;  10  Vugusl  19 

;  Bataille,  Oeuvres  Computes,  vol  6   Paris    Editions  Gallimard, 
1 12,  1 1 1.  174,  r.  i 
Sunone  de  Beanvoir,  Journal  de guern   Septembn  fanviei  1941, 

S)  l\  ie  Le  Bon  de  Beauvoii    Pans  Editions  Gallimard,  1990  .  and  La 
Forced/  Vagi   Pans   Editions  Gallimard,  I960 

See  \ndie  Breton,  "Interview  de  Charles-Henri  Ford"    1941    in  Vndre 
Breton,  Entretiens  Pans  Editions  Gallim  md 

"Prolegomena  to  a  Third  Surrealist  Manifesto  oi  Nol      194      in  Andre 
Breton,  Manifestoes  of  Surrealism,  trans  R  SeaverandH   R  Lane    Vnn 
Vrboi    University  of  Michigan  Press,  19  '      ee  also  Henri  Bihar, 

Andre  Breton  Le  Grand IndesirabU   Pans  Cahmann-Lev) 

See  Max  |arol>.    Meditations,  ed.  Rene  Planliei     Pans    Editions  Gallimard, 

1972  ,  144,  1 15    16,  194. 

Eugene Jolas,  Vertical:  A  Yearbook  For  Romania  Mystii  Ascensions  New 

York   Eugene  Jolas,  I'M  I  .  17    is.  7."..  77.  79,84 

Thomas Maimjoumab  1918  1921,1933       ■•..I  Peterdt  Mendelssohn, 

trans  Robert  Simon   Paris:  Editions  Gallimard,  1985     i78  si 

Antony  Penrose,  Les  Vies  de  Lee  Mill/ 1.  nans  from  English  b)  Christophe 

Claro  (Paris:  Arlea  Seuil,  1994  ,110   113 

Denis  De  Rougemont,   Tin  Dinl\  Shun,  ti.ms.  11.  Chevaliei    New  York: 
Meridian  Books,   Plod     See  Si    |olm  Perse.  "Rougemont  !'•><  i  idental." 

in  Andre  Reszlei  and  Henri  Schwamm,  Denis  Di  Rougemont  I'Ecrivain, 
I'Europeen  (Neuchatel:  Editions  de  la  Baconniere,  19  6 

See  Lionel  Richard,  "Andre  Snares  late  an  na/isine,"  in  Snares  et 
I'AUemagne,  ed.  Yves-Alain  Favre  Pans:  Lettres  Modernes,  1976  .  169; 
and  "Ln  inedil  de  Suares    Tiers  Faust,  "in  L'l  nivers  mythiqut  di  Suan  r,  ed 
Yves-Alain  Favre   Pans:  Minard,  1983  ,  211. 

Simone  Weil,  Iht  Iliad  m  I  hi  Poem  of  lorn    Wallingloid.  Penns\l\.uua 
Pendle  Hill.  1976),  26  written  in  the  fall  ol  1940);  see  also,  Simont  Weil 
Philosophe,  Historienne  et  Mystique,  ed.  Gilbert  Kahn    Pans:  Aubier 
Monteigne,  1978 

See  "Une  Forme  nouvelle  des  conflits  internationaux.  La  P.ux."  no  authoi 
given,  La  Revue  des  deux  mondes  52  (15  August  1939),  766  89   the  follow 
ing  thesis  is  defended  in  this  article:  "La  Paix  Guerre  repose  sur  I'idee  di 
profiter  de  la  crainte  de  la  guei  re<  atastrophe  pour  ex(  en  er  des  pressioiis 
plus  im  pint  antes  qu'autrefois,  lout  en  evitant  de  I  reel  une  I  elision  sull 
isante  pour  amener  I'ennemi  a  recount  a  la  gueiie  totale  "  Ibid 
jean-Paul  Sartre,  I  hi  Win  Diaries:  November  1939/March  1940,  nans 
(  iiimiiii  Hoare   New  York:  Pantheon  Books,  1984  .  100,  ''7 
Ibid..  52. 

Ibid.,  59;  Sartre's  emphasis. 

Blaise  Cendrars,  Sky  Memoirs  (Le  Lotissemeni  du  ml.  1949  .  trans  Nm.i 
Rootes  (New  V>ik:  Paragon  House,  1992  .  6  I,  181   82;  see  Jacqueline 
Chadoume, Blaisi  Cendrars pocte du  cosmos  Pans  Seghei     19    I),  no-18. 
See  (  harles  1    Wallraff,  Karljaspen  An  Introduction  to  His  Philosophy 
Princeton,  New  fersey:  Princeton  Universit)  Puss,  1970),  137, 
Thomas,  Spanish  Civil  War,  587;  Ihomas  points  out  that  the  "attempted 

defense  ol  this  tragic   exodus  from  the  an  was  the  I  a  si  fight  m  which 

Andre  Malraux's  aii  squadron  look  part     fean  Lacouture,  who  refers  to 

"more  ill. in   100,000  lelugecs  Irom  Malaga  hunted  down  and  machine 

gunned"  b)  the  Italian  nav)  and  pursuit  planes,  also  diM  usses  Malraux's 
involvement  in  the  Malaga  campaign  and  its  record  in  Man's  Hopt   I 
Lacouture,  Malraux   I  6  Pans   Editions  du 

Seuil,  1976),  19;  b)  the  end  ol  Februar) ,  Malraux  ».i^  bat  km  Pans. 

where  he  might  have  talked  with  Picasso  about  the  fall  ol  Malaga   ibid., 
2  19   io 

Analogous  to  what  Gertrude  Stein  thought  ab Picasso's  experieni  e  ol 

ob|ei  is.  ii  ma\  be  s.ud  that  l'n  asso  did  not  imagine  bombs  raining  from 

heaven,  he  saw  them    Burns  i 

Pi,  ass,,.  l/„  I  mii  I  nit,  Girls  (1947  1948),  trans.  Roland  Penrose 
London  Caldei  and  Boyars,  1970),  24 


NOTES     235 


61.  Louis  Aragon,  Anicet  ou  le  panorama  (1921)  (Paris:  Editions  Gallimard, 
1969),  86. 

62.  Andre  Breton,  L 'Amour  fou  (1937)  in  Oeuvres  completes,  vol.  2  (Paris: 
Editions  Gallimard,  1992),  779;  Breton's  emphasis. 

63.  Sabartes,  in  Picasso:  An  Intimate  Portrait,  trans,  from  the  Spanish  by  Angel 
Flores  (New  York:  Prentice  Hall,  1948),  states  that  Picasso  left  Paris 
"towards  midnight"  (188)  on  "September  3,"  1939  (187),  and  arrived  in 
Royan  on  "September  4,"  1939  (189).  But  the  French  translation  of  the 
original  Spanish  text  by  Sabartes,  Picasso:  Portraits  et  souvenirs,  trans. 
Paule-Marie  Grand  and  Andre  Chastel  (Paris:  Louis  Carre  and 
Maximilien  Vox,  1946),  states  that  Picasso  left  Paris  "vers  minuit" 

(198)  on  "29  aout"  1939  (196)  and  arrived  in  Royan  on  "2  Septembre" 
1939    199).  Though  these  same  dates  are  later  given  in  Sabartes's 
Picasso.Recuerdos  y  retratos,  published  in  1953  (208-10),  the  four  days 
ascribed  to  Picasso's  trip  from  Paris  to  Royan  do  not  make  sense.  Given 
that  there  are  some  500  kilometers  between  Paris  and  Royan  and  since, 
as  we  read  in  Picasso:  Portraits  et  souvenirs  itself,  Picasso  and  Sabartes  trav- 
eled "a  plus  de  cent  a  l'heure.  .  .le  plus  vite  possible"  (198)  "toute  la  nuit" 

(199)  -  making  the  trip  in  one  single  night  -  it  could  not  have  possibly 
lasted  four  days,  from  29  August  to  2  September. 

Picasso:  An  Intimate  Portrait  offers  the  more  consistent  account. 
Similarly,  the  chronology  in  the  Rubin  1980  catalogue  for  the  Picasso 
retrospective  at  the  Museum  of  Modern  Art  establishes  that  Picasso  left 
Paris  on  3  September  1939  (350).  However,  the  chronology  in  Musee 
Picasso  I  states  that  Picasso  left  for  Royan  on  1  September  1939  (291). 
The  inconsistent,  confusing  dates  given  in  Picasso:  Portraits  et  souvenirs 
also  seem  to  account  for  the  contradictory  and  apparently  erroneous 
dates  given  for  Picasso's  departure  from  Paris,  and  for  his  arrival  in 
Royan,  by,  for  example,  Brassai,  Picasso  and  Company,  40;  Cabanne, 
Le  Siecle  de  Picasso,  2:49;  Daix,  Picasso  createur:  La  Vie  inlime  et  I'oeuvre 
(Paris:  Editions  du  Seuil,  1987),  273;  and  Patrick  O'Brian,  Picasso:  Pablo 
Ruiz  Picasso,  A  Biography  (New  York:  Putnam,  1976),  344.  Penrose  seems 
to  have  given  up  the  task  of  specifying  the  dates  of  Picasso's  departure 
from  Paris  and  arrival  in  Royan  [Picasso:  His  Life  and  Work,  324-25). 

64.  Sabartes,  Picasso:  An  Intimate  Portrait,  188. 

65.  Ibid.,  189. 

66.  Le  Clairon  de  Saintonge  (Royan),  20  August  1939,  1. 

67.  Christian  Genet  and  Louis  Moreau,  Les  Deux  Charentes  sous  VOccupatwn  et 
la  Resistance  (Gemozac:  La  Caillerie,  1983),  11,  23,  20. 

68.  Guillaume  Apollinaire,  "Couleurs  du  Temps,"  in  Oeuvres  poetiques  (Paris: 
Editions  Gallimard,  1965),  948-49:  "Voyez  ces  gros  nuages  qui  montent . 
.  .  D'autres  nuages  .  .  .Je  les  vois  arriver  ce  sont  les  dieux  .  .  .  tous  les 
dieux  de  notre  humanite/Qui  s'ensemblent  ici  .  .  .  pour  parler  au  soleil." 

69.  The  "charettes"  in  Picasso's  phrase  "nuages  charettes"  (trans,  from  his 
Spanish  original  "nubes  carretas")  (11  August  1940,  234)  can  be  read  as 
"avion[s|."  See  Jean-Marie  Cassagne,  Le  Dktionnaire  de  I'argot  militaire 
(Pans:  Zelie,  1994),  55. 

70.  See  Ovid  Metamorphoses,  trans.  Rolfe  Humphries  (Bloomington:  Indiana 
University  Press,  1955),  8.230-260.  Guillaume  Apollinaire  in  "To  Italy" 
(1915)  wrote  about  the  "flight  of  partridges  of  the  75s,"  in  Apollinaire, 
Calligrammes;  265,  "75"  was  the  name  of  a  cannon  used  for  harassing 
"enemy  lines";  note  that  Picasso  dated  his  7  February  1914  letter  to 
Apollinaire:  "7  Fevrier  1915/Journee  du  75."  See  Picasso/ 'Apollinaire 
Correspondence,  ed.  Pierre  Caizergue  and  Helene  Seckel  (Paris:  Editions 
Gallimard,  1992),  129.  The  landing  of  Wilbur  Wright's  flying  machine 
on  8  August  1908  was  compared  to  a  "partridge  returning  to  its  nest." 
See  Robert  Wohl,  A  Passion  for  Wings:  Aviation  and  the  Western 
Imagination,  1908-1918  (New  Haven:  Yale  University  Press,  1994)  5,  7. 
The  "eyes  of  the  partridge"  stand  for  the  eyes  of  the  bull  in  Joseph  Peyre, 
Sang  et  I.umiere  (Paris:  B.  Grasset,  1935),  259,  a  novel  about  turbulent 
Spain  in  the  mid- 1930s.  A  "low  Hying  partridge"  introduces  Men  under 
Stress  by  Roy  R.  Grinker  and  John  P.  Spiegel  (Philadelphia:  Blakiston, 

19  15],  3-4.  The  traditional  symbolic  meanings  of  the  partridge  are  dis- 
cussed in  extenso  by  Beryl  Rowland  in  Birds  with  Human  Souls:  A  Guide  to 
Bird  Symbolism  (Knoxville,  Tennessee:  University  of  Tennessee  Press, 

1974),  123-27.  See  also  Hugh  of  Foilloy,  The  Medieval  Book  of  Birds:  Hugh 
ofFoilhy's  Aviarium,  nans.  Willene  B.  Clarrk  (Binghamton,  New  York: 
Medieval  and  Renaissance  Texts  and  Studies,  1992),  235-37;  Rev. 
Charles  Swainson,  lln  Folk  Lore  and  Provincial  Names  o/  British  Birds 


(London:  Publishers  for  the  Folk-lore  Society,  1986),  172-73. 

71.  In  1957,  commenting  (in  a  conversation  with  Jean-Marie  Magnan)  on 
nonsensical  passages  in  a  Spanish  translation  of  a  French  article,  Picasso 
seemed  to  allude  to  the  almost  systematic  recurrence  of  euphemism  in 
his  beuvre:  "we  the  Spanish  place  everything  upside  down.  When  a  little 
girl  is  pretty  we  say  'que  mona,'  in  other  words,  'what  a  monkey.'  With 
inversion  everything  becomes  more  forceful,  more  distinct."  Cited  in 
Picasso:  Tows  y  toreros,  exh.  cat.  (Paris:  Musee  Picasso,  1993),  72. 

72.  Herve  Coutau-Begarie  and  Claude  Huan,  Mers  El-Kebir  (1940):  La 
rupture  franco-britannique  (Paris:  Economica,  1994),  180;  and  Azema, 
1940,  Vannee  terrible,  204. 

73.  Picasso  cited  in  Malraux,  Picasso's  Mask,  11. 

74.  The  aerial  war  on  the  Channel  seems  to  have  been  in  the  back  of 
Picasso's  mind  because  on  17  July,  for  example,  he  spontaneously  associ- 
ated the  "mechanism  among  the  most  complicated"  with  the  "cheese 
manr/;f^o"("Fromage  de  la  region  de  la  Manche")  (222). 

75.  Winston  Churchill's  speech  is  reprinted  in  Eugene  Emme,  Impact  of  Air 
Power,  78-79.  Daix  notes:  Picasso  "is  evidently  on  the  side  of  the  English 
who  fight  alone"  in  1940.  Daix,  Picasso  createur,  276.  I  thank  John 
Richardson  for  having  informed  me  in  a  1996  telephone  conversation 
that  Dora  Maar,  whom  he  had  just  visited  in  Paris,  confirmed  en  pas- 
sant that  Picasso  naturally  allied  himself  with  the  English  in  the  Battle 
of  Britain. 

76.  See  Derek  Wood  and  Derek  Dempster,  The  Battle  of  Britain  and  the  Rise  of 
Air  Power  1930-1940  (New  York,  Toronto,  London:  McGraw-Hill,  1961), 
235-259. 

77.  Pseudo-Dionysius,  The  Celestial  Hierarcy,  in  Pseudo-Dionysius:  The  Complete 
Works,  trans.  Colm  Luibheid  (New  York:  Paulist  Press,  1987),  143-91. 
Pseudo-Dionysius  was  active  "between  the  third  and  the  fifth  centuries." 
Ibid.,  45. 

78.  Martin  Gilbert,  The  Second  World  War:  A  Complete  History  (New  York: 
Henry  Holt,  1989),  116. 

79.  The  "winged  scarab"  is  an  Egyptian  hieroglyphic  representation  of  sun 
and  king  associated  with  the  rearing  cobra,  the  "uraeus"  -  which  had 
crowned  Fernande  Olivier  in  the  drypoint  by  Picasso  and  Maxjacob, 
Planche  de  Dessins  de  Maxjacob  et  Picasso  (end  1904- 1905);  see  Helene 
Seckel,  Maxjacob  et  Picasso,  cat.  48,  40;  the  "winged  scarab"  appears 
directly  below  Horus's  "winged  eye"  in  the  famous  Pendant  with  Symbols 
of  the  Sun  and  the  Moon,  from  Tutankhamun's  tomb;  see,  for  example, 
Masterpieces  of  Tutankhamun,  introduction  and  commentary  by  David  P. 
Silverman  (New  York:  Abbeville  Press,  1978),  112-13;  and  Richard  H. 
Wilkinson,  Reading  Egyptian  Art:  A  Hieroglyphic  Guide  to  Ancient  Egyptian 
Painting  and  Sculpture  (London:  Thames  and  Hudson,  1992),  113,  109. 

80.  Werner  Spies,  Pablo  Picasso  on  the  Path  to  Sculpture:  The  Paris  and  Dinar 
Sketchbooks  of  1928  (Munich:  Prestel  Verlag,  1995),  pis.  13-20. 

81.  Many  thanks  to  John  Richardson  who,  generous  as  always,  provided  me 
with  a  photocopy  of  this  formerly  unpublished  page. 

82.  See  Genet  and  Moreau,  Les  Deux  Charentes,  16-19. 

83.  See  Zervos  XI,  21-26,  31-34,  51. 

84.  This  is  also  the  case  of  his  compulsive  linear  scribbles  intended,  Picasso 
suggests  in  his  writings,  to  trap  the  entrapping  spaces  of  the  air  filled 
with  a  "network  of  threads"  (213),  "entangled  threads"  (212),  "veins 
entangled  with  the  electric  lines"  (223),  and  the  "play  of  parabolas  and 
the  amusement  of  hyperbolas"  (159). 

85.  For  a  detailed  chronology  of  Picasso's  stay  in  Royan,  including  his  round 
trips  to  Paris,  see  Sabartes,  Picasso:  An  Intimate  Portrait,  190-205. 

86.  Genet  and  Moreau,  Les  Deux  Charentes,  193;  J.  R.  Colle,  Royan,  son  passee, 
ses  environs  (La  Rochelle:  Quartier  Latin,  1965),  67. 

87.  See  "Studio  at  Royan"  in  Sabartes,  Picasso:  An  Intimate  Portrait,  190-205. 

88.  Ibid.,  203-204. 

89.  Details  on  Bolton  Square  are  given  in  Yves  Delmas,  Royan  (Royan:  Yves 
Delmas,  1991),  83,  85,  89. 

90.  Sabartes,  Picasso:  An  Intimate  Portrait,  194-95. 

91.  The  Spanish  noun  caseta  means  "bathing  cabin"  as  well  as  "small  house" 
(a  diminutive  noun  formed  from  casa  =  house).  See  Gasman:  "Mystery, 
Magic  and  Love,"  7-49;  and  "Picasso's  Caseta,  His  Memories,  and  His 
Poems,"  Poetry  East  (1984):  83-1 14. 

92.  The  information  regarding  the  wooden  cabanas  on  the  Grande  Conche, 
as  well  as  the  photographs,  was  generously  provided  to  tin'  author  in 


236      NOTES 


November  IHN7  l>\  Robert  Colic,  who  was 1  lose  to  Pn  assn  during  Ins 
stay  in  Royan.  Colle,  a  membei  ol  Academie  Saintonge  and  i  tiratoi  ol 
the  Musee  Royan,  published  such  basil  books  on  the  histor)  and  folk 
lore  ol  Royan  and  the  neighboring  regions  as  Royan,  wn passe,  scs  environs 
(see  note  si >  supra  .  and  Sorciers,  wurcit  rs  et guerisseurs  en  Aunii  et  Saintongt 
(LaRochelle:  Rupella,  1979 

93.  Tins  is  m\  reading  ol  Picasso's  <  .ih.ma-.  see  note  91,  supra  ,  it  is  genei 
all)  accepted  in  the  literature  on  the  artist,  and  was  most  recent!) 
endorsed  b)  Kirk  Varnedoe  in  Picawn    I  '  •/.■./mm  I  In    \lu\eum  of 
Modem  Art,  exh.  cat.   New  Vnk    l'he  Museum  ol  Modern  Art;  Atlanta: 
Tin-  High  Museum  ol  \n.  1998  .  96 

94.  I  he  hoi)  wanderers  ol  Galicia  became  Famous  through  the  modemista 
writings  ol  Valle  Ini  Ian,  who  dedicated  Ins  poetic  novel,  Saintly  /lower 

190  I  .  to  a  mendicant  on  Ins  "ua\  to  Santiago  de  I  lompostella"     some 
si\t\  loin  kilometers  from  La  Coruna  -  believed  by  a  young  Galician 
unl  to  be  "|isus  traveling  through  the  land  to  see  where  (hams  is  to  be 
found."  See  Vent\  Smith,  Ramon  del  Valle- Inclan   New  York:   Iwavne, 
1973),  17,  119,  120.  At  I. a  Coruna,  in  1895,  the yeai  ol  Conchita's  illness 
and  death,  Picasso  had  already  celebrated  the  beggars  peregrinating 
through  the  mystical  land  ol  ( ialu  ia  His  incisive  portraits  ol  mendicant 
pilgrims  in,  for  example,  Old  Pilgrim,  Bearded  Man  with  His  Hands  Resting 
mi  His  Sink,  and  the  often  reproduced  Beg»ai  in  a  Cap  see  Jose  I'alau  i 
Fabre,  Picasso:  Lift  and  Work  of  the  Early  Years:  1881-1907  (Oxfoid 
Phaidon  Press,  1981  .  61,  nos.:  65,  52,  63),  capture  the  wisdom  and 
spiritual  strength  ol  soc  iall\  alienated  creatures  and,  at  the  same  time, 
disclose  some  of  their  Christian  aura.  The  "pilgrim,"  as  I'alau  i  Fabre 
remarks,  is  the  "man  whose  body  has  beitmn  lay  ou-n  Imuu  "  Ibid  ,  t>l; 
italics  mine 

ft.").  Prime  Minister  Daladier's  radio  address  was  published  under  the  title 
"l.e  martyre  des  innocents  ( tie  vengeance  du  fond  de  cette  nuit"  in 
Le  Figaro,  '2~>  December  1939,  3. 

'"'     "l  as, is  dn Hildas  de  la  came"  =  "maisons  detruites  de  la  chair"  (227), 
10  Jul)  1940. 

H7.  Sabaites,  Picasso:  An  Intimate  Portrait,  190  205. 

I'M.  Andre  Breton,  L 'Amour Jon.  II;  Breton's  emphasis.  Breton,  who  seised  as 
a  "medical  officer  at  the  aviation  training  field  in  Poitiers,"  visited 
I'h  asso  injanuar)    |uK  1'*  10  in  Royan.  Mark  Polizzotti,  Revolution  oj  the 
Mind:  The  Life  of  Andre  Breton  (New  York:  I  anai  Sliaus  and  (iiroux, 
1995),  I  19,  I  si  I;  see  also  Andre  Breton:  La  beaute  convulsive,  exh.  cat. 
(Paris:  Editions  du  Centre  Pompidou,  Pell  .   i  Hi.  Picasso's  assemblage  of 
bit  y  cle  saddle  and  handlebars.  Head  of  a  Bull   1943;  Musee  Picasso),  was 
first  tested  by  Picasso,  while  he  was  looking  for  eloquent  garbage  in  the 
reliquaries  of  Royan.  Robert  Colle  (letter  from  Royan  to  this  writer,  1 1 
Septembei  I' ><S7  witnessed  the  occasion  on  which  Picasso  experimented 
with  the  Head  of  a  Bull  ill  his  studio  at  l.es  Yoiheis.  Colic  recalled  how 
the  artist  "placed  automatical  a  bull's  brad  upon  the  handlebars  ol  a 
bicycle"  and  then  "had  a  good  lime  drawing  them."  While  Pii  asso, 
"amused,"  was  reach  to  "tear  that  drawing  up."  his  "<  uslomer"  cried  out: 
'  \\  hat  a  masterpiece!  The  alliance  of  modern  technology  and  primitive 
brutalit) '"  .ibid.).  A  1940  photograph  ol  a  "bii  \i  le  saddle  ol  exa<  ll\  the 
same  type"  as  that  in  Head  of  a  Bull,  hanging  on  the  "wall  above  a  group 
ol  Picasso's  recent  paintings"  in  his  studio  at  Les  Yoihers,  that  has 
recentlx  come  to  light  appears  to  confirm  Colic's  memorv.  Sec  T'.li/abeth 
Cowling,  "Objects  in  Sculpture,"  in  Puawo:  Siulptor/l'ainter,  exh.  cat. 
London:   late  Gallery,  1994  .  -; 35.  The  photograph  is  held  in  the  Picasso 
Am  lines,  Musee  Picasso,  Paris.  (Sec  chronology,  page  213.)  The  bull  was 
a  prominent  deit\  in  the  mythology  of  the  Ron  an  region,  the  "an  heolog 
ical  museum"  in  Saintes,  foi  example,  exhibiting  "heads  ol  bulls  dei  o 
rated  with  garlands  and  read)  foi  immolation,"  and  the  "<  ban  ol  the 
horned  god  Ceinunos,"  supported  bv  "two  bull  heads."  Colle.  Sort  it  r\, 
1  19 

99   Like  Ins  attrac  tion  to  the  past.  Pi<  asso's  temptation  to  rehearse  in  Royan 
the  transgressive  sexualit)  he  had  appret  iated  foi  a  long  time  was  an 
attempt  to  joume)  bai  k  into  a  warless  era   He  made  love  to  both  Marie 
Therese  and  Dora  Ma.u  to  ai  i  ess  liberating  pleasure  and  through  it  the 
solace  ol  reunion  with  an  alien  cosmos.  Yet  he  could  not  love  the  "sk) 

nokI  ol  c  aiesses  and  kisses"    210     Mam    I  hei  esc  and  I  )oi.i  ,ue  the  "two 

shutters"  mimicking  the  blackout  shutters  on  the  windows  of  Royan,  who 


"abandon  to  us  fate  the  house  [emptying]  its  tripes  on  the  sky"  J.\l 

100.  "1   n  ni.ii  in  a  lie  I  nand  est  lai  hen  lent  assassine."  /  a  1 1  ,an. 

18  August  1940,  I   Robert  Colle  writes  "On  a  apprit  plus  tard  que  le 

soldat  [the  sentinel  at  the  Kommandatui  |  s'etail  mu<  idi 
101    Vndree  Rolland,  Picasso  el  Royan  aux  jours  di  laguern  etdi  I'm  intuition 

Royan:  Impr.  Nouvelle,  1967  ,  n.p. 
irnal  di  Harennt  >.  1 1   Vugusl  19  I11 
in  !   Rolland,  Picasso  et  Royan,  n.p. 
in  I   Bypassing  the  principle  ol  identity,  I'h  asso  ,  reated  a  similai  mu. 

text  win  ten  on  6  I  uK  1940  "angular,  twisti  d  i  iri  umference  [surround 

nigl      .  the  globe  ol  the  |ioul]  smell"  217 

105  Colle,  Royan,  62    ["he  tnemorj  of  a  "Royan  emptied"  on  15  August, 
the  (I.in  when  Picasso  painted  "Le  cafe  des  Bains"     and  the  Germans 
celebrated  with  "great  pomp     I,    "fiini  ral"  ol  the  sentinel  bom  the 
Kommandatui      is  recalled  in  (>u\  Binot,  Histoirt  d<  Royan  etde  la 
presqu'ile  d'Avert  Pans   Le  C Vif,  1994  .  121. 

106  Sabaites,  Picasso:  An  Intimate  Portrait,  213   II 


[  wish  to  thank  Johanna  Ban  man  foi  assisting  me  in  finalizing  m)  summaries 

ol  the  texts  1  wrote  on  "Picasso's  (ileal  I  cai  ol  An  Rinds,"  and   \m\  1  i  nil.  \ 

foi  striving  to  instill  an  everyda)  tone  in  the  language  ol  those  texts 


From  Guernica  to  The  Charnel  House: 
the  Political  Radicalization  of  the  Artist 
Gertje  R.  Utley 

Pari  ol  tins  essay  is  derived  from  research  related  to  ni\  doctoral  thesis, 
"Picasso  and  the  'Parti  de  la  Renaissance  Francjaise':  The  Artist  as  a  Commu 
inst,  1944    1953"   Ph.D.  diss.,  Institute  of  Fine  Arts,  New  York  University, 

I  1)1  17;  Vale  1   niNcrsitN   Press,  fort  hi  timing  ,  1  well  on  le  the  opportunit)  to 
reiterate  my  deep  gratitude  to  nn  professors  Kuk  Varnedoe,  Robi  rt 
Rosenblum,  William  Rubin,  and  Tony  |udl  foi  then  continued 
support,  and  I  thank  Suzanne  Stratum  foi  hei  helpful  editorial  COmj 
I  am  also  deeply  indebted  to  Brigitte  Leal  for  her  untiring  counsel  in  all 
matters  pertaining  to  Picasso,  and  to  the  entire  stall  of  the  Musee  Picasso, 
Paris,  without  whose  dedicated  help  none  of  nn  work  would  be  possible 

1.  Picasso,  m  an  interview  with  Pol  Gaillard,  which  appeared  in  condensed 
form  in  Pablo  Picasso,  "Whv  1  Became  a  Communist,"  New  Masst  I 

no.   I    1\  October  I'M  I  :   11;  reprinted  in  lull  Neisum  in  Pablo  Picasso, 
"Pourquoi  j'ai  adhere  an  Parti  Comniuniste:  (Jne  inleiNiew  de  1'n  asso  a 
la  revue  americaine  New  Masses,"  L'Humaniti  U,no  64   29    lOOctobei 
1944):  1-2.  See  reprint  in  French  in  Alfred  II   Barrjr.,  Picasso:  lilt. 
of  His  Art  (New  York:  The  Museum  ol  Modern  Art.  1946;  London: 
Seeker  &  Warburg,  1975),  267, 

2.  See  Daniel  Henr)  Kahnweiler,  "Pablo  I'h  asso  et  son  temps."  "Pic, 
special  edition,  La  Sou, ,  ll<  Critiqui     1961      13;  \ndre  Fermigier,  "La 
Gloire  de  Picasso,"  Revue  de  I'art  1,  no.  2    1968):  111  22;  Roger  Garaudy, 
"Guemii  a,  I'Espagne,  la  politique,"  in  [ean  ( lassou,  Pablo  Picasso  Pans 
Somog'N .  Il,7."i  .  l'*7;  MatiK  n  Mi  CuIIn  .  l:h  (hi, tin  Gats   Art  in  Barcelona 
around  1900  (Princeton,  N. )     Pimieton  University  Puss.  1978  .  Patricia 
I.eigbten.  Rt  Ordering  Uu  I  niverse:  Picasso  and  Anarchism, 

Princeton:  1'iiin  eton  University  Pi  ess.  1989  .  Robert  1  ubar,  book 
review  foi  Patricia  Leighten,  Ri  Ordering  du  in  Art  Bulletin  72, 

no.  I  Septembei  1990    505   10;  lemma  Kaplan,  Red  City,  Blue  Pi 
Social  Minion nt\  in  Picasso's  Barcelona   Berkeley,  Los   Vngeles,  and 
London:  University  ol  California  Press,  199 

3.  Picasso  told  Pierre  Daw  thai  the  i  lipping  with  ihe  artii  le  on  lean  |aures 
m  the  1912  collage  La  Bouteillt  •!*  Suzi  was  consciously  chosen  foi  its 
political  content   I  '.us.  in  conversation  with  the  author,  16  Octobei 

1992,  and  in  Ins  "Lluanl  el  I'h  asso."  I'tiul  i.luaul  it  in  own  ptintit  I 

I'Cil  Pans  Centre  (Jeorges  Pompidou,  1982),  26  Robert  Rosenblum 
was  the  lii  si  to  look  into  the  newspapei  tests ,  ,i  the  collages;  see  Robe  it 
Rosenblum,  "Picasso  and  the  fypograph)  ol  Cubism,"  in  Roland 


NOTES     237 


Penrose  and  John  Golding,  eds.,  Picasso  in  Retrospect  (New  York:  Harper 
and  Row,  1973),  33-48.  Leighten,  Re-Ordering  the  Universe,  gives  the 
most  extensive  account  of  this. 
I    J.  Granie,  "Les  Cubistes,"  Revue  d'Europe  et  d'Amcrique;G.  Kahn,  "Le 
Salon  d'Automne:  Peinture  et  sculpture,"  Mercure  de  France  (16  October 
I'M  1  :  868-70;  cited  in  Lubar's  review  of  Leighten,  Re-Ordering  tin- 
Universe,  509. 

5.  For  a  primary  testimony  of  surrealist  politics,  see  Andre  Breton,  Position 
politique  du  surrealisme  (Paris:  Edition  du  Sagitaire,  1935;  Societe  Nouvelle 
des  Editions  Pauvert,  1962,  1971).  On  Breton's  subsequent  views  of 
Picasso's  politics,  see  Andre  Breton,  "80  carats  .  .  .  mais  une  ombre," 
Combats- Arts  (2  November  1961),  trans.  Simon  Watson  Taylor,  reprint, 
in  Marilyn  McCullv,  ed.,  A  Picasso  Anthology:  Documents,  Criticism, 
Reminiscences  (London:  The  Arts  Council  of  Great  Britain  with  Thames 
and  Hudson,  1981),  243-45.  See  also  Andre  Thirion,  Revolutionaries 
without  Revolution  (New  York:  MacMillan,  1975),  301;  trans.  Joachim 
Neugroschel,  Revolutionnaires  sans  revolution  (Paris:  Robert  Laffont,  1972); 
Pierre  Daix,  Aragon,  une  vie  a  changer  (Paris:  Editions  du  Seuil,  1975), 
240-88;  Helena  Lewis,  The  Politics  of  Surrealism  (New  York:  Paragon 
House,  1988);  Sidra  Stich,  Anxious  Visions:  Surrealist  Art  (Berkeley: 
University  Art  Museum;  New  York:  Abbeville  Press,  1990). 

6.  On  Eluard's  politics  and  his  relations  with  Picasso,  see  the  excellent 
studies  by  Jean-Charles  Gateau,  Paul  Eluard  ou  lefrere  voyant  1895-1952 
(Paris:  Editions  Robert  Laffont,  1988),  in  particular  215-30;  and  Eluard, 
Picasso  et  la  peinture  (1936-1952)  (Geneva:  Librairie  Droz,  1983),  265-67. 

7.  With  Georges  Bataille,  whose  mistress  she  had  been  in  the  early  thirties, 
Dora  Maar  had  been  a  member  of  Boris  Souvarine's  radical  group  Le 
Cercle,  and  was  in  the  mid- 1930s  close  to  Bataille's  militant  organization, 
Contre-Attaque,  which  positioned  itself  to  the  left  of  the  Popular  Front. 
On  Dora  Maar  seejudi  Freeman,  "...  the  gift  of  metamorphosis,"  in 
her  Picasso  and  the  Weeping  Women:  The  Years  of  Marie-Therese  Walter  & 
Dora  Maar,  exh.  cat.  (Los  Angeles:  Los  Angeles  County  Museum  of 

Art,  199|i,  174. 

8.  Thirion,  Revolutionaries,  301.  See  also  Michel  Faure,  Histoire  du  surrealisme 
sous  1'Occupation:  Les  Reverberes  -  La  Main  a  plume  (Paris:  La  Table  Ronde, 
1982). 

9.  "The  Political  Picasso,"  BBC  Picasso  Season,  BBC  2,  televised  program, 
20  February  1994. 

10.  Sidra  Stich,  "Picasso's  Art  and  Politics  in  1936,"  Arts  Magazine  58 
(October  1983):  113-18,  interprets  the  gouache  as  an  allegory  of  the 
Popular  Front's  resistance  to  the  spread  of  fascism. 

11.  It  was  assumed  that  the  gouache  was  selected  among  Picasso's  works  to 
serve  as  model  for  the  stage  curtain  for  Romain  Rolland's  play,  Le  14 
juillet,  commissioned  for  that  year's  14  July  celebrations.  I  have  found 
evidence,  however,  that  Picasso  actually  produced  the  drawing  expressly 
for  the  event. 

12.  A.B.,  "Les  spectacles  des  fetes  du  14  juillet,"  Lejour,  10  June  1936; 
Le  Nouveau  Cri,  27  June  1936.  See  also  Le  Front  Populaire  et  TArt  Moderne, 
1936-1939:  Hommage  a  Jean  Zay,  exh.  cat.  (Orleans:  Musee  des  Beaux 
Arts,  1995),  175;  financing  for  the  project  had  received  governmental 
approval  on  5  June  1936. 

13.  The  two  plays  are  published  together  in  one  volume.  Romain  Rolland, 
La  Theatre  de  la  revolution:  Le  14  juillet-Danton-Les  Loups  (Paris:  Albin 
Michel,  192(>);  Two  Plays  of  the  French  Revolution,  trans.  Barret  H.  Clark 
(New  York:  Henry  Holt,  1918),  128,  236. 

14.  Pencil  drawing,  68  x  67  cm,  13June  1936,  Musee  Picasso,  Paris,  M.P.  1167. 

15.  Stefan  Priacel,  "Theatre  pour  le  peuple  et  par  le  peuple,"  Regards,  16  Julv 
1936.  The  musical  contributions  were  by  Darius  Milhaud,  Arthur 
Honegger,  and  Georges  Auric,  among  others. 

16.  Annie  de  Meredieu,  "A  l'Alhambra,  e'est  devant  une  salle  enlhousiaste 
que  e'est  deroule  la  representation  populaire  de  '14  juillet',"  Paris-Soir, 
16 Jul)   1936;  Pierre  Audiat,  "A  l'Alhambra,  'le  14  juillet'  de  Romain 
Rolland,"  /Vm-.S'o;/,  20Julv  1936;  "14juillet  l'Alhambra,"  Vu,  15  July  1936. 

17.  A  noti<  c  in  Europe,  15  August  1936,  reads  that  the  Maison  de  la  culture 
sent  a  telegram  of  support  lo  President  Campanys  of  the  Spanish 
Republic.  Among  the  signatories  was  Picasso. 

18.  In  a  letter  from  Valencia  dated  17  December  1936,  the  underset  retar)  ol 
Publii  Education  and  Art  confirmed  the  nomination  and  invited  Picasso 

in  i  ome  .md  .issiuc  hiniscll  dl  the  work  that  had  been  done  lo  safeguard 


the  national  collections.  See  the  Picasso  Archives,  Musee  Picasso, 
Paris.  The  author  of  the  article  "Prudence  mere  de  surete,"  La  Liberie,  27 
February  1937,  claims  that  the  Republic  had  even  put  a  plane  at 
Picasso's  disposal  -  in  vain. 

19.  Georges  Sadoul,  "Une  demi-heure  dans  l'Atelier  de  Picasso,"  Regards, 
29  July  1937,  8;  Roberto  Otero,  Forever  Picasso:  An  Intimate  Look  at  His 
Last  Years  (New  York:  Harry  N.  Abrams,  1975),  116.  Brassai,  Conversations 
avec  Picasso  (Paris:  Editions  Gallimard,  1964),  19!);  Brassai,  Picasso  and 
Company,  trans.  Francis  Price  (Garden  City,  N.Y:  Doubleday,  1966). 

20.  See  in  particular  Zervos  VIII,  323;  Zervos  VIII,  336;  Zervos  IX,  97. 
Ludwig  Ullmann,  Picasso  und  der  Krieg  (Bielefeld:  Karl  Kerber  Verlag, 
1993),  73-80. 

2 1 .  Gateau,  Eluard,  Picasso,  237. 

22.  Ibid.,  56-57.  This  belief  also  informed  the  attitudes  of  the  intellectual 
Resistance  in  France,  in  particular  of  writers  such  as  Sartre  and  Camus. 

23.  The  last  three  scenes  were  drawn  injune  only  and  relate  more  directly 
to  Guernica. 

24.  In  an  interview  with  Georges  Sadoul,  Picasso  called  the  etchings  "un  acte 
d'execration  de  1'attentat  dont  est  victime  le  peuple  espagnol"  {Regards, 
29  July  1937,  8).  In  December  1937  the  work  was  part  of  the  exhibition 
LArt  cruel  at  the  Galerie  Billiet-Worms  in  Paris. 

25.  Eluard,  who  was  present,  recalled  how  distressed  Bergamin's  report  had 
left  them.  Gateau,  Eluard,  Picasso,  52.  Bergamin  was  also  responsible  for 
safeguarding  the  artistic  treasures  of  the  Prado.  The  political  opinions  of 
Bergamin,  who  was  a  Catholic  leftist,  were  to  remain  very  influential  for 
Picasso,  as  Roberto  Otero,  the  photographer  and  nephew  of  Raphael 
Alberti,  told  me  in  our  conversation. 

26.  In  1932  Picasso  had  declared:  "I  will  never  make  art  with  the  precon- 
ceived idea  of  serving  the  interest  of  the  political,  religious,  or  military 
art  of  a  country."  He  pointed  out,  however,  what  side  he  meant  in  this 
by  adding:  "I  will  never  fit  in  with  the  followers  of  the  prophets  of 
Nietzsche's  superman."  Cited  in  Gert  Schiff,  ed.  Picasso  in  Perspective 
(Englewood  Cliffs,  N.J.:  Prentice  Hall,  1976),  15;  Dore  Ashton,  ed. 
Picasso  on  Art:  A  Selection  of  Views  (New  York:  Viking  Press,  1972),  148. 

27.  The  most  comprehensive  text  on  the  Spanish  Civil  War  is  Hugh 
Thomas,  The  Spanish  Civil  War  (London:  Penguin  Books,  1961;  New 
York:  Simon  and  Schuster,  1986). 

28.  Letter, Javier  Vilato  to  the  author,  20January  1998.  Although  the  foreign 
press  continued  to  promote  the  myth  of  a  united  Popular  Front,  Picasso 
had  ample  opportunity  to  be  informed  of  the  dissentions.  Vilato  and  his 
brother  Fin  had  taken  up  arms  against  Franco  by  joining  the  militias  in 
Barcelona.  Christian  Zervos  was  in  Barcelona  at  the  end  of  November 
1936,  where  he  visited  Picasso's  family,  and  a  close  friend  of  Kahnweiler 
had  enlisted  in  the  left-wing  militia  under  the  legendary  Buenaventura 
Durruti.  On  the  events  in  Spain,  see  Thomas,  Spanish  Civil  War,  in 
particular,  the  chapter  "Rising  and  Revolution,"  19!)  ff.;  Francois  Furet, 
Le  Passe  d'une  illusion:  Essai  sur  Videe  communiste  au  XXe  siecle  (Paris: 
Robert  Laffont/Calmann-Levy,  1995),  "Communisme  et  antifascisme," 
in  particular,  289-310.  For  the  most  detailed  and  fascinating  firsthand 
account  read  George  Orwell,  Homage  to  Catalonia  (New  York:  Harcourt 
Brace,  1952). 

29.  We  know  of  Picasso's  sympathies  for  the  radical  left  militias  as,  according 
to  the  surrealist  poet  Noel  Arnaud,  Picasso's  financial  support  after  the 
war  would  mainly  help  former  militants  of  the  militia  organizations  FAI 
(Federation  anarquista  iberica)  and  POUM  (Partido  obrero  de  unification 
marxista).  Arnaud  is  cited  in  Michele  Cone,  Artists  under  Vichy:  A  Case  of 
Prejudice  and  Persecution  (Princeton,  NJ.:  Princeton  LIniversity  Press,  1992), 
152.  The  POUM  was  the  group  with  which  Orwell  fought.  Revolutionary 
in  vocation  and  hostile  to  Stalinism,  its  members  became  the  main  target 
of  Communist  persecution;  many  were  incarcerated  and  killed.  On  the 
Communists'  hold  on  the  Republican  government  in  Valencia,  see  Furet, 
Le  Passe,  25  I   59;  Thomas,  Spanish  Civil  War,  341,  452. 

30.  Only  the  inclusion,  in  a  sketch  of  19  April  1937,  of  several  raised  fists 
holding  Picasso's  version  of  the  Communist  hammer  and  sickle,  betrays 
a  modicum  of  militant  disposition.  For  publication  ol  those  drawings  sec 
Ludwig  Ullmann,  "Zur  Vorgeschichte  von  Picasso's  Guernica,"  Kritisch 
Bcnclii,  11,  no.  I  (1986);  4-26. 

31.  Gertrude  Stein  asserted  that  it  was  not  really  the  events  themselves  as 
much  as  their  happening  in  Spam  that  shook  Picasso;  in  her  Picasso 


2:i8      NOTKS 


(London:  Batsford,  1938),  16   17.  New  York   Dovei  Publications, 
1981  .  17-48. 

32.  Juan  Larrea,  Guernica:  Pablo  Puasso  New  York:  Curl  Valentin,  1947  .  72 
13    Wemet  Spies,  Picasso  Die Zeit nach  Guernica,  193?  1973,exh  cat 
Stuttgart  VerlagGerd  Hatje,  1''''  I  .  20 

14.    Madrid,  Museo  Nacional  del  I'rado.  Gumma    Ley/do  Piiasw   Madrid: 
Ministcrio  de  Culiura  1  v s  l  ,  [53  55.  The  offei  b)  an  American  collectoi 
to  bu)   Guemica  and  its  related  winks  was  not  accepted.  See  the  corre 
spondence  Christian  Zervos  5  Octobei  1939,  6  Octobei  1939  to  Pablo 
Picasso  in  the  Musee  Picasso  Archives. 

35.  The  | units  were  reproduced  and  sold,  together  with  Picasso's  act  ompa- 
nying  text,  in  a  limited  edition  ol  1,000  i  opies  to  benefit  the  Spanish 
Refugee  Relief  Campaign.  Gateau,  Eluard,  Picasso,  i 

Mi.  Cerije  R.  I 'ties,  "l'uasso  and  the  Parti'  de  la  Renaissance  Francaise 
The  Artist  as  a  Communist.  I'M  I    1953"   Ph.  D.  diss.,  Institute  of  Fine 
Arts,  Wu  Ynk  University,  1997;  New  Haven:  Yale  Universit)  Press, 
forthcoming.  1 7">  78.  Foi  Picasso's  support  of  the  Spanish  Republicans 
see  also  Juan  Larrea.  lettei  to  Allied  Ban,  The  Museum  of  Modern  Art 
Archives,  New  Yak    Allied  II    Ban  |i    Papers;  Keloid  Croup  12 

PicassoA  1II.B.3. 

.17.  Larrea,  letter  to  Ban    MoMA  Archives:  AMI!  Papers;  12.VIII.B.3); 
L'HumaniU,  18  Februar)  19  19;  [aviei  \ 'tlato  In  conversation  with  the 
author.  On  Picasso's  help  to  Republican  refugees,  see,  in  particular, 
Mercedes  Guillen,  Picasso  (Madrid:  Alfaguara,  1973). 

38    (Jtley,  "l'uasso  and  the  'Parti',"  17").  On  the  French  government's  poli- 
cies with  respect  to  the  Civil  Wat  in  Spain,  see  David  Wmgeate  Pike,  Lei 
Francaii  et  laguerre  d'Espagne   Pans:  Pi  esses  I'niversitaires  de  Fiance, 
1977)   andJean-Baptiste  Duroselle,  La  Deiadenei  l'H2   I'll')   Pans: 
Impiimerie  Nalionale.  1985  ,  in  pailiiulai  ch.  10. 

Mi.   Picasso's  generosit\  to  friends  and  Strangers  was  described  by  Josep 
Palau  i  Fabre  in  conversation  with  the  author,  2  \o\embei  1992;  and 
in  his  Picasso  i  els  seus  Amies  Catalans  Barcelona:  Editorial  Aedos,  197]  . 
186  87;  Guillen,  Picasso,  passim.  See  also  the  numerous  references  and 
letters  of  acknowledgment  in  the  Picasso  An  lines,  Musee  Picasso,  Pans 

ID     According  to  Roberto  (  Hero,  in  conversation  until  the  author, Jacqueline 
Roche,  Picasso's  last  companion,  told  him  how  she  was  spending  nights 
counting  mone)  foi  huge  i  ash  donations  for  Spanish  Communists  in 
need,  because  Picasso  did  not  want  to  handle  such  matters  In  check. 

41.   According  to  one  report.  Picasso  was  accused  ol  trafficking  m  foreign 
i  urrencies  via  Denmark  to  Spain  and  the  Soviet  Union.  Onl\  the  intei 
vention  of  Amo  Breker  rescued  him  from  llns  dangerous  situation 
Jacques  Dubois.  "Lire  line  \  edette  sous  I'm  i  upation:  La  lace  i  a<  bee  dun 
astre  turbulent."  "Picasso,"  special  edition,  Amateur  d'art,  no.  72  I    1986 
31.  See  also  David  Pryce  (ones,  Paris  in  tin  Third  Reich:  A  History  of  the 
German  Occupation:  1940-1944  London:  Collins.  198]  .  221).  Mar\ 
Margaret  Coggm,  "Picasso  and  His  Art  during  the  Cerman  Occupation: 
l'Un   I'M  I"    Ph.D.  diss.,  Stanford  University,  1985),233. 

12.    \ew  Ymk  linns.  I'l  Dei  ember  \{JA7,  cited  in  Herschel  B.  Chipp,  Picasso's 
Guernica:  History,  Transformations,  Meanings  (Berkeley,  Los  Angeles,  and 
London:  Universit)  of  California  Press,  1988),  160.  As  the  civil  war  in 
Spain  started  as  a  right  wing  military  uprising  engineered  by  Franco 
against  the  elected  Populai  Front  government,  the  allusion  to  the  mili- 
tar)  i  asle  is  clear. 

If.   Otero,  Forever  Pitasso,  117. 

II    I  in  future  generations  Guernica  became  an  inspiration  for  pohtii  a  I 
activism  in  art  and  in  posters.  See,  for  example,  the  group  Cionica  in 
i  leorg  Eichinger,  "Picasso's  Guernica eis  Zitat:  Zui  I  unktion  des  Kunst- 
ZitatS  in  dici  Bildern  tier  (iruppe  Crienica,"  Guernica:  Kunst  unit  Pnlitik 
am Beispiel  Guernica  -  Picasso  unddei  Spanisdu  Burgerkrieg  Berlin:  Neue 
Gesellschaft  fur  Bildende  Kunst.  1975),  77   80 

l.V   Pn  asso,  "Why  I  Became  a  Communist,"  1 1. 

16     I  In. ml    "II  a  ile  mi  des  niies  peinlie  a  se  londinie  i  omnie  il  lain,  el  il 

continue";  quoted  in  Cabanne,  Le  Steele  de  Picasso,  vol    I,  Guernica     La 

Guerre  (1937-1955)    Pans:  Editions  Den, .el.  1975  .  142;  Cabanne.  Pablo 

Picasso:  His  Li/e  and  Times,  trans  Harold  ).  Salemson   New  York: 
Morrow,  1977  .  (6  i  Antonina  Vallentin,  foi  example,  recalled,  "one 
knew  about  Ins  refusal  ol  all  concession  and  compromise  with  the 
enemy."  Pablo  Picasso  Pans:  Ubin  Michel,  1957),  165  Among  the  intel 
lei  1 1 i.i Is  who  \oui  heil  foi  Picasso's  uncompromising  behavioi  were 


|ai  ques  Prevert,  Brassai,  Louis  Parrot,  Christian  Zervos,  and  |ean 
Cocteau    Although  Ins  reputation  as  a  collaborationisl  has  I ■• 
what  i  lea n sed  In  the  recent  publication  ol  Ins  wartime  diarii     ( 
credibilit)  is  Mill  questionable  in  ilns  respect 

i      N i  of  the  act  usations  is  ever  accompanied  by  a  substantiating 

See,  for  example,  Dubois,  "Etre  une  vedette      II    Brigitti  Baer,  "Eine 
Lesearl  von  Picasso's  Werk  in  den  Kriegsjahren    Eine  traumati 
firauer,"  in  Siegfried  Gohr,  ed    Picasso  im Zweiten  lUlit.*.: 
exh  cat    Cologne  Museum Ludwig,  1988),  il   Cabanni    /•  Steele,  141;  as 
well  as  "Picasso  et .     la  politique,"  Le  Crapouillot,  no.  25  Ma)   [uni 

18,  See  Philippe  Buiiiii,  Franct  undu  tin  Germans  Collaboration  and 
Compromise,  trans  [anet  Lloyd   New  York    I  In   New  Press,  1996);  Prya 
Jones,  Third  Reich;  GUies  Ragache  and  Jean  Robert  Ragache,  La  Vu 
quotidienru  des  ecrivains  et  des  artistes  sous  I'Occupatx  ■ ',  I  Pans 

Hachette,  1988  .  Herbert  R  Lottman,  TTu  Left  Bank  Writers,  Artists,  and 
Politics  from  the  Popular  Front  to  tin  ( 'old  Was  Boston:  Houghton  Mifflin, 
1982  .  I  .une.  Histoire,  as  well  as  more  personal  accounts  b)  Brassai', 

Conversations; Jean  Cocteau,  Journal  1  P         I    us 

Gallimard,  1989);  Michel  Leiris, /ourna/ 1922  1989  Pans   Editions 
Gallimard,  1992 

I'l    Sal i.i nes  writes  thai  he  would  admit  i he  occasional  German  soldiei  who 
claimed  to  be  an  artist  and  admirei  <>i  Picasso's  work  |aime  Sabartes, 
Gespra'cke  und  Erinnerungen,  trans  Oswalt  von  Nostit/  Zurich    \rche 
Verlag,  1956;  Frankfurt:  Luchterhand,  1990    23    See  also  Gerhard 

Heller,  UnAUemand  a  Paris  1940  1944  Pans   Edil s  du  SeuiL  1981), 

118;  Ernst Jiinger,  Premtei  Journal parisien  Pans  Christian  Bout 
1980),  158;  Collector  from  Stuttgan.  "Als  Soldat  bei  Pit  asso  in  Pans."  in 
Gohr,  Picasso  im  Zweiten  WeUhieg,  281   82   Hans  Kuhn  was  a  corporal  in 
the  Komman  dantur  and  an  abstract,  surrealist  paintet 

50.  Burrin,  liana  under  tin  Germans,  19  >  See  also  |ean  Paul  Sartre,  "Pans 
sous  ['Occupation,"  Situations,  III  Lendemains  dt  guerri   London:  La 
France  Libre,  I'M."..  Pans:  Editions  Gallimard,  1949 

51.  Jean  Paulhan  embodies  the  comple\il\  ol  the  situation  undei  the 
Occupation.  He  was  the  directoi  "I  La  Vouvellt  Revui  francaisi  from 
1925    HI.  a  l  which  time  the  Cermans  look  i  out  ml  ol  the  papet  and  fired 
him.  During  the  Occupation  he  continued  to  work  for  the  collabora 
lionisl  paper,  all  the  while  using  Ins  office  foi  his  Resistant  e  activities 

A  leading  figure  in  the  intellectual  Resistant  e.  he  was  instrumental  in 
publishing  the  underground  l.es  l.ettre\  /raneaises  See  Pierre  Herbev,  La 
\oiiicllt  Ruin  /inmtiiM  des  annees  \omhris,  I'l  1(1    l'»!l    Pans    Editions 
Gallimard,  1992).  Sartre,  in  his  1945  essay,  "Pans  sons  |'Oc<  upation," 
comments  on  the  complexities  of  life  w  ith  the  cneim   ( )n  the  peculiar 
"color  blindness"  in  relations  between  resistants  and  collaborators 
for  example  Cocteau,.  Journal  1')  12- 19  I  >,  110  n  Inn  5  Ma)   1942,  onl) 
days  before  his  "Saint  a  Breker,"  he  dined  in  the  compan)  ol  Paul 
Eluard  and  other  resistants  at  the  home  ol  Lise  Desharmes,  herself 
"a  queen  of  the  resistance." 

52.  Ragache  and  Ragache,  La  Vie  quotidienru,  150  51;  Laurence  Bertrand 
Doileac,  L'Art  de  la  defaite,  1940  1944  Pans   Editions  du  Seuil,  1993 
I'M  97, 318  n23.  The  rumored  visits  b)  Rudolf  Hess  or  Otto  Vbetz, 
on  the  other  hand,  have  never  been  corroborated. 

~>A.  Among  Picasso's  frequent  companions  who  served  in  the  Resistance 
were  Michel  Leiris,  [ean  Cassou,  Paul  F^luard,  Louis  Aragon,  ( ■•  ot 
Hugnet,  and  Robert  Desnos,  who,  caught  in  earl)  I'M  I.  would  perish 
in  the  camp  in  fheresienstadl    lerezin  on  8  June 

">  I    I  ougeron,  in  conversation  with  the  authoi 

55  lianioise  Gilot  and  Carlton  Lake,  Lifi  with  Picasso  New  V>ik   McGraw 
Hill,  1964  .  il    12 

56  [bid.,  62,  63. 

57.    The  rumor  that  Picasso  had  paiin  ipated  in  the  Resistant  e  emerged  aftei  the 
Liberation  and  was  published  b)   VlfredH  Barr  Jr.,  "Picasso  1940   1944 
A  Digest  writh  Notes,"  Tht  \luseum      \A  Irt  Bulletin  12,  no    t(Januar) 

1945    l   9  It  drew  a  sharp  reply  from  Christian  Zervos  in  a  letter  datet 
March  1945  MoM  \  Archives    VHB Papers;  I.'  \  III  B  - 

58  Im/  Ren§ Vanderpyl,  L'Art sans patrie un mensonge: Li  Pinceaud'l 

Paris  Mercure  de  France,  1942),  quoted  in  ( ioggin,  Art  and  /' 

59  On  the  auction  in  Lucerne,  set  Stephanie  Barron,  "Dt 

I  ali  of  tht  A- ant  Caul,  in  \n\i  German)    N(  ■■■   York    H.ii  i  \   \     \ln.nns. 

1991  .  99,  I  16,  1 1 1.  168  <  >n  the  fate  ol  the  "entartete  kunst"  looted  from 


NOUS     239 


Jewish  collections  in  France  and  stored  at  the  Musee  du  Jeu  de  Paume, 
see  Hector  Feliciano,  The  Lost  Museum:  The  Nazi  Conspiracy  to  Steal  the 
World's  Greatest  Works  of  Art  (New  York:  HarperCollins,  1997),  107-108. 
()().   In  his  review  of  the  exhibition  of  contemporary  Spanish  art  in  the 

Galerie  Charpentier  in  September  1942,  the  notorious  Lucien  Rebatet 
of  the  collaborationist  Je  suis  partout  made  no  secret  of  that  fact.  Lucien 
Rebatet,  "L'Art  espagnol  contemporain,",/?  suis  partout,  9  September 
1942.  See  also  Y.  B.,"Une  exposition  d'artistes  espagnols  contemporains," 
Le  Figaro,  18  August  1942;Jean-Marc  Campagne,  "  L'Art  espagnol  con- 
temporain  a  la  Galerie  Charpentier,"  Les  Nouveaux  Temps,  30  September 
1942.  As  Steven  Nash  writes  in  his  essay  in  this  volume,  the  ban  on 
exhibiting  works  by  Picasso  was  not  always  respected.  Andre  Warnod, 
"Une  exposition  d'art  espagnol,"  Le  Figaro,  6  October  1942.  On  the 
Galerie  Charpentier  and  its  questionable  dealings  with  the  Germans 
during  the  Occupation,  see  Felicano,  Lost  Museum,  150-52. 

61.  The  exhibition  was  held  at  the  Galerie  Berri-Raspail.  Picasso's  participa- 
tion in  this  exhibition  inspired  at  least  one  journalist  to  call  Picasso  ajew 
who  was  aping  Negro  art.  See  Henri  Labroue,  "La  Peinture  juive,"  Le 
Pilori,  27  May  1943:  "ce  juif  livournais  n'est  qu'un  singe  de  Part  negre." 

62.  R.  T.,  "Une  curieuse  exposition  rue  Bonaparte,"  Aujourd'hui,  16  May 
1944.  The  exhibition  was  called  L'Oeuvre  el  la  palette,  1830  a  nos  jours. 

63.  Brassai',  Conversations,  69. 

64.  Republished  by  Olivier  Dussiau,  "Requins  et  faisans  de  1'edition," 
Union  Francaise  (Lyon),  6  October  1943,  with  the  following  commentary: 
"N'y-a-t-il  pas  la  un  des  signes  les  plus  eclatants  de  decadence  literaire, 
spirituelle  et  morale." 

65.  Petain  believed  that  France's  defeat  was  caused  less  by  military  conquest 
than  by  moral  disintegration. 

66.  The  title  was  derived  from  a  phrase  by  Rimbaud:  "La  main  a  plume 
vaut  la  main  a  charrue"  (the  hand  at  the  quill  is  as  valuable  as  the  hand 
at  the  plough).  The  most  exhaustive  account  of  the  Main  a  plume  is  in 
Faure,  I'Histoire. 

67.  Gilot  and  Lake,  Life  with  Picasso,  46. 

68.  See  Andre-Louis  Dubois,  A  trovers  trois  repuhliques:  Sous  le  signe  de  I'amitie 
(Paris:  Plon,  1972).  On  his  help  to  Picasso,  see  Gilot  and  Lake,  Life 
with  Picasso,  44.  On  his  friendship  with  Cocteau,  see  Cocteau,  Journal 
1942-1945,  passim.  Dubois  worked  at  the  prefecture  as  director  for  the 
reconstruction  of  bombed  areas.  It  was  through  the  connections  of  his 
previous  employment,  as  police  chief  of  the  Ministry  of  the  Interior 
before  Vichy  fired  him  from  that  post,  that  he  was  able  to  help.  Maurice 
Toesca,  Cinq  Ans  de  patience  (1939-1945)  (Paris:  Editions  Emile-Paul, 
1975).  Toesca,  whose  work  for  Vichy  was  only  a  cover  for  his  Resistance 
activities,  was  able  to  renew  Picasso's  identity  papers  in  1942  and 
can  probably  also  be  recognized  as  saving  Picasso  from  being  sent 

to  Germany  for  work  service.  On  Toesca,  see  also  Cocteau,  Journal, 
1942-1945,  196,  passim;  Pryce-Jones,  Third  Reich,  46-47.  More  famously, 
it  was  through  Arno  Breker's  powerful  connections  and  his  friendship 
with  Cocteau  that  Picasso  and  Cocteau  "were  spared  the  worst."  See 
Cocteau,  recollections  in  his  Le  Passe  defini  (Paris:  Editions  Gallimard, 
1983),  352.  Cocteau  had  met  Breker  when  the  German  sculptor  lived 
in  Paris  as  the  student  of  Maillol.  For  more  on  their  friendship,  see 
Cocteau,  Journal  1942-1945,  112,  125-28,  132,  133.  Apparently  Breker 
also  protected  Dina  Vierny,  the  Jewish  mistress  of  his  old  teacher 
Maillol;  Pryce-Jones,  Third  Reich,  250.  It  is  more  than  probable  that 
Breker  was  also  Picasso's  mysterious  source  of  bronze  for  the  casting 
of  his  sculptures. 

69.  Helene  Seckel  and  Andre  Cariou,  Max  Jacob  et  Picasso,  exh.  cat.  (Paris: 
Reunion  des  Musees  Nationaux,  1994),  272-79. 

70.  Emile  Szittya,  "Notes  sur  Picasso,"  Courrier  des  arts  et  des  tettres  (1947):  24; 
cited  in  Cone,  Artists  under  Vichy,  145.  On  the  idea  that  during  the 
Occupation  subversive  painting  was  seen  as  a  form  of  Resistance,  see 
Laurence  Bertrand  Dorleac,  L'Histoire  de  Tart:  Paris  1940-1944.  Ordre 
national,  traditions  et  modernize  (Paris:  Presses  de  la  Sorbonne,  198(>). 

71.  Brassai,  Conversations,  314,  315. 

72.  On  French  art  at  the  time  of  the  Popular  Front  government  in  France,  see 
It  Front  Populaire  et  I'Arl  Moderne  1936-1939:  Hommage  a  Jean  Zay,  exh.  cat. 
'  »i  lean:     Musee  des  Beaux  Arts,  1995).  On  French  art  during  (he 

Occupation,  sec  Faure,  I  list/lire;  Bertrand  Dorleac,  L'Art  de  la  defaile;  Cone, 
Artists  under  Vichy,  and  Pontus  I  Iulten,  Paris  1937-Paris  1957:  Creations  en 


France,  exh.  cat.  (Paris:  Centre  Georges  Pompidou,  1981),  82-125. 

73.  Others  were  Lurcat's  tapestry,  which  incorporated  Eluard's  poem 
"Liberte,"  and  Francis  Griiber's  Hommage  a  Callot  (1942).  On  Fougeron, 
see  Ravmond  Perrot,  Esthetique  de  Fougeron  (Paris:  E.  C.  Editions,  1996); 
Jean-Jacques  Dutko,  Fougeron  (Paris:  Editions  Person,  1987). 

74.  Fougeron  had  installed  a  printing  press  in  his  studio,  where  he  created 
the  clandestine  journal  L'Art  francais  and  cooperated  in  the  publication  of 
such  other  underground  papers  as  Les  Lettres  francaises.  Bertrand  Dorleac, 
L'Art  de  la  defaile,  279-85,  578.  See  also  David  Cascaro,  Edouard Pignon  et 
la  politique  (Paris:  Universite  Pantheon-Assas  Paris,  1996),  92-93;  Cone, 
Artists  under  Vichy,  169-70. 

75.  "Est-ce  que  si  peu  d'artistes  etaient  insurrectionnaires  par  rapport  aux 
ecrivains  et  poetes,  a  cause  de  l'impossibilite  de  la  tache?"  cited  in 
Helene  Parmelin,  Picasso  sur  la  place  (Paris:  Julliard,  1959);  trans. 
Humphrey  Hare,  Picasso  Plain  (London:  Seeker  and  Warburg,  1963), 
190,  and  in  Ashton,  Picasso  on  Art,  151. 

76.  Bertrand  Dorleac,  L'Art  de  la  defaile,  282;  Cone,  Artists  under  Vichy,  172. 

77.  "La  peinture  d'avant-garde,  e'etait  comme  une  voix  de  la  Resistance,"  is 
cited  in  Cascaro,  Edouard  Pignon,  92.  Yves  Sjoberg,  "Vingt  jeunes  pein- 
tres  de  tradition  franchise,"  Construire,  no.  5  (May  1941),  in  his  review  of 
their  exhibition  in  the  Galerie  Braun  in  May  1941,  recognized  in  their 
work  the  desire  "de  surmonter  le  chaos  actuel,  de  creer  envers  et  contre 
tout,  d'echapper  au  servage  intellectuel  et  de  maintenir  intact  les  tradi- 
tions d'independance  de  l'ecole  de  Paris."  See  also  Cone,  "Abstract'  Art 
as  a  Veil:  Tricolor  Painting  in  Vichy  France,  1940-44,"  Art  Bulletin  74, 
no.  2  (June  1992):  191-204;  Hulten,  Paris  1937,  106. 

78.  For  the  liberal  attitude  of  the  Germans  in  cultural  matters,  see  Burrin, 
France  under  the  Germans,  324.  Ragache  and  Ragache,  La  Vie  quotidienne, 
passim. 

79.  Brassai,  Conversations,  209:  "le  symbole  de  la  liberte  retrouvee"; 
Antonina  Vallentin,  Picasso  (Garden  City,  N.Y.:  Doubleday,  1963),  226; 
"le  porte-drapeau  de  la  France  resistante."  Among  those  who  vouched 
for  Picasso's  honorable  conduct  during  the  Occupation,  see  also  Louis 
Parrot,  "Hommage  a  Pablo  Picasso,  qui  vecut  toujours  de  la  vie  de  la 
France,"  Les  Lettres  francaises  A,  no.  20  (9  September  1944):  8,  and 
Christian  Zervos's  letter  to  Alfred  H.  Barr  Jr.,  29  March  1945  (MoMA 
Archives:  AHB  Papers;  12.VIII.B.3). 

80.  See  the  photos  of  Picasso  surrounded  by  members  of  Le  Front  nationale 
des  intellectuels,  in  the  Pere-Lachaise  cemetery  in  Le  Palriote,  15  October 
1944,  and  again  heading  a  procession  with  Paul  Eluard  on  2  November. 
And  he  appeared  with  Le  Front  national  universitaire  at  a  memorial  for 
the  victims  of  fascism  in  October  1944  (photo  courtesy  Roger-Viollet  in 
L'Histoire,  October  1988,  75). 

81.  "Le  plus  grand  peintre  aujourd'hui  vivant,  Picasso,  a  apporte  son  adhe- 
sion au  Parti  de  la  Renaissance  Francaise,"  L'Humanite,  5  October  194 4,  1. 

82.  See  for  example  Fontanel,  "Picasso  .  .  .J'ai  quelques  reactions,"  Gavroche, 
20  October  1944;  "N'avait  il  pas  une  importance  capitale,  ce  premier 
Salon  de  la  Liberation?  Un  salon  qui  devait  etre  specifiquement  francais 
-  un  salon  enfin  libre  -  un  salon  qui  devait  exprimer  la  veritable  pensee, 
la  veritable  culture  francaise. "Janet  Flanner,  Men  and  Monuments  (New 
York:  Harper,  1957)  195. 

83.  For  the  details  on  the  scandal  surrounding  Picasso's  presence  at  the 
Salon,  see:  "Un  essai  de  sabotage  absurde  au  Salon  d'automne,"  Le 
Parisien  Libere,  10  October  1944;  "Scandale  au  Salon,"  Liberation,  10 
October  1944;  "A  'Tokio'  Picasso  provoque  une  insurrection,"  Aurore, 
10  October  1944;  J.  B„  "Au  Salon  d'automne  on  avait  vole  trois  Picasso," 
Ce  Soir,  10  October  1944;  Sherry  Mangan,  "L'Affaire  Picasso,"  Time, 

30  October  1944,  78;  G.  H.  Archambault,  "Picasso:  The  Painter  Who 
Defied  the  Germans  Finds  Himself  the  Hero  of  a  Revolutionary  Mood," 
New  York  Times  Magazine,  29  October  1944,  18-19,  39;  Barr  Jr.,  "Picasso 
1940-1944,"  6;  Gwen  Harrison,  "L'Affaire  Picasso,"  Maelstrom  1,  no.  2 
(summer  1945):  13-15;  Gilot  and  Lake,  Life  with  Picasso,  61;  Andre 
Fermigier,  "La  Gloire  de  Picasso,"  Revue  de  Tart  1,  no.  2  (1968):  1 14-22; 
Harriet  and  Sidney  Janis,  Picasso:  The  Recent  Years,  1939-1946  New  V>ik 
Doubleday,  1946),  13-15. 

84.  In  "Picasso  et  le  C.N.E.,"  Les  Lettres  francaises,  21  October  19  I  1.  7.  the 
writer  equates  the  action  of  the  anti-Picasso  protesters  with  the  "precedes 
de  la  brulalite  physique  et  d'intiniidation  qui  sunt  ceux  des  hitleriens" 
and  he  adds  "de  telles  manifestations  ne  peuvent  etre  que  le  vestige  de 


240      NOTES 


85 


86 


88 


I'occupation  allemande."  "Nous  tenons  a  due  que  directemenl  ou  indi 
rectemenl  nous  les  considerons  comme  le  fail  de  I'ennemi." 

Picasso,  "Win  I  Bee  .in  ic  a  Communist,"  II    Foi  an  extensive- account 
ol  I'u  asso's  i  rial  Kinship  with  the  licm  h  Communist  Part) .  sit  I  lle\, 

"Picasso  and  the  'Parti.'"  For  an  autobiographic  al  in  ounting  oi  the  rea 

sons  leading  voting  linn  li  ( ommunists  to  join  the  parts  dining  ai\A 
shortl)  aftei  the  war,  see  in  particulai  Annie  Kriegel,  Ce  que  fax  era  torn 

prendn    Pans:  Robert  I.aflont.  1991    and  Edgai  Morin,    \iilm iitit/m    Paris: 

Editions  du  Seuil,  1970).  Foi  a  historical  and  critical  view  ol  the  last  ma 
non  ol  communism  foi  tin-  intellei  tuals,  see  [bnj  Judt,  Past  Imperfect: 
French  Intellectuals  1944  1956  Berkeley,  Los  Vngeles,  and  London: 

Universit)  ol  California  Pi  ess,  1992  .  as  well  as  his  earlici  Marxism  unci 
the  French  Left  <  Ixford:  Clarendon  Press,  198b    See  also  hue!.  l.t  Pu^i 
For  Pen's  last  words,  see  Kriegel,  Q  gut  /'m  an.  162  n    1  ,  foi   Picasso's 
reaction  to  the  letter  see  Guillen.  Picasso,  ill.  To  Guillen,  who  judged 
the  letter  a  bit  theatric  al.  1'k.isso  replied  vehement!)  that  he  though) 
the  letter  was  naagnific  enl  and  that  whatevei  one  wrote  before  being 

exec  tiled  is  authentic 

Genevieve  Laporte,  who,  as  a  member  ol  Le  Front  national  des  eiucli 
ants,  interviewed  Picasso  for  hei  school  paper,  was  shocked  to  heai  thai 
he  had  not  even  read  Marx  before  joining  the  Communist  Party. 
Genevieve  Laporte,  Un  amour  secret  de  Picasso:  Si  tard  le  soir  .  .  .  (Monaco: 
Editions  du  Rocher,  1989  .  18.  and  in  conversation  with  the  author. 
Malraux  is  quoted  b)  David  Caute,  Communism  and  thi  French 
Intellectuals,  1914   1960:  Western  Europe  (New  York:  Macmillan,  I'll.  I  .  1  I 
Jeannine  Vcrdcs  l.croux,  A  I  communiste,  la  mteuectuels 

etlacultun  (1944  1956)  Paris:  I  as  aid  Editions  de  Minuii.  1983),  85 
89     \  recent  publication  on  the  subject  is  Furi-l.  l.t  Passe. 

90.  Judt,  Past  Imperfect,  5;  Pascal  On  and  |ean  Francois  Sirinellt,  Les 

Intellectueb  en  France,  dt  VAffairt  Dreyfus  a  nosjours   Pans:  Armand  Colin. 
198t>  ,  1.11 ;  \  ei  des  I.imoux.  Au  service  du  Parti,  18.  [n  the  twelve  months 
after  the  Liberation  the  Grand  Parti  de  la  Resistance,  the  Parti  aux 
75,  000  tusilles,  as  they  liked  to  be  known,  won  ."»()(),()()()  new  members. 
The  Communists'  exaltation  of  their  role  in  the  Resistance  was  in 
opposition  to  de  Gaulle's  policy.  In  his  efforts  to  reunite  the  French,  de 
Gaulle  propagated  the  m\th  that  the  Resistance  was  the  domain  of  all 
the  French.  See  Henr\  Rousso.  l.t  Syndrome  de  I'ichy  tic  1944  a  nos  jours 
(Paris:  Editions  du  Seuil.  1987,  1990),  14 

91.  On  the  role  and  organization  ol  the  French  Communists  in  the 
Resistance,  see  Germaine  Willard,  "Le  P.C.F.  et  la  Deuxieme  Guerre 
mondiale."  m  Roger  Bourderon  et  al.,  l.t  P.C.F.  /-Japes  et problimes 
1920-1<>7J  Pans   Editions  Sociales.  1981),  199  226.  On  the  French 
Resistance  under  Vichy,  see  Roderick  Kedward  and  Roger  Austin,  eds., 
Vichy  hranct  and  tin  Resistance  Totem  a,  N.J.:  Barnes  and  Noble.  1985  . 

James  1).  Wilkinson,  The  Intellectual  Resistant  t  in  Europe  Cambridge,  Mass.: 
Harvard  Universit)   Press,  1981  . 

92.  Morin,  Autocritique,  16,  I".  M.  See  also  ( )r\  and  Sirinelli,  La  Intellectueb, 
151;  see  also  Ariane  Chebel  d'Appollonia,  Histoire politique  r/o  inttllntutls 
en  France  (I'll  I   I'i'il).  vol.  2  (Paris:  Editions  Complexe,  1991  .  12.  Jean 
Pierre  Rioux,  La  France  de  la  Qiiutneme  Repuliliquc,  vol.  1.  L'Ardeur  et  la 
necessitc  1944-1952  Pans:  Editions  du  Seuil,  1980),  86.  Foi  further  evi- 
dence ol  tins  point,  lead  also  I.'llumanitt  ol  late  1944  and  earl)    1945. 
Morin,  Autocritique,  77  The  postwar  image  of  the  Soviet  Union  as  chief 
victim  ol  and  victoi  over  the  Fascist  invaders  had  for  a  time  obscured 
the  memorv  ol  the  Moscow  trials  ol  the  1930s. 

Albert  Camus  affirmed  in  19 1 1  thai  "ann  c  ommunism  is  the  beginning 
of  dictatorship,"  Combat,  7  October  I'M  I 

See  I'tlev .  "I'u  asso  .end  the  'Parti,'"  passim. 

Louis  A i  agon  emphasized  Picasso's  important  e  loi  the  party.  In  one  ol 
his  artic  les  following  the  famous  scandal  surrounding  Picasso's  portrait  ol 
St.ihn.  \ragon  insisted:  '"nous  avons  avec  nous  un  homme  que  I'ennemi 
nous  em  ic  furieusement,"  La  Lettra  francaises,  9  April  1953 

97.  Andre  Warnod,  "En  peinture  tout  n'esl  que  signe,  nous  dit  Pit  asso."  Arts, 
no.  22  29 June  1945     I.  l;Gilot  and  Lake.  Lift  with  Picasso,  74,  221. 

98.  Claude  Morgan  in  lus  front  page  editorial  in  La  Lettra  francaises, 

Id  September  19 1 1,  deploring  the  ineffic  ienc  \  ol  the  proc  eedings  to 
purge  collaborators,  wrote,  "Poui  sauvei  I'Homme,  la  haine  aujoui 
d'hui  -  est  encore  necessaire." 

99.  For  I'u  asso's  role  in  the  ipuration  the  purges  ol  intellectuals  aftei  the 


93 


I  iln  ration  .  see  the  correspondence  ol  Othon  Friesz  and  ol  Vndre 
Fougeron  in  the  Picasso  Vrchives,  Musee  Picasso,  Paris  Sec  alsi 
I  lout  national  c  i.— -  Arts  oi  lame  clis  arrestations,    \  I  Ic  tobet 

1944;  Andre  Fougeron,  "A  propos  du  Salon  -  ibei 

1944;  "l.puiation  dans  les  60  I944;jacques 

Vingtras    I  Bpura i  et  les  artistes,"  Le  Populain 

alsoGilol  and  Fake.  I  i/t  .t  itli  Picasso,  lis  On  the  subjec  I  ol  the  pui 
lead  Pierre  Assouline,  L'Epuration  da  intellectueb,  I 

Editions  Complexe,  1985  .  Herbert  Lottman,  Hi'  I  Vnk 

Mm  row,  1986).  On  the  purges  and  then  relevant  e  foi  the  (  ommunists, 
see  Les  l.ettres  francaist  I  and  l.'l/umiinitt.  late  194  I.  194  5,  foi  examples  ol 
the  vociferous  debate  on  the  topic  "l  ipuration  in  the  Communist  press 
Ini  the  purges  in  the  artistii  community,  see  Sarah  Wilson,  'Art  and  thi 
Politics  of  the  Left  in  France  ca    1935  1955"   I'll  I  >  diss  (  ourtauld 
Institute  ol  \n.  19 

100    "sum  ii  ie    I  i'ii .  "I'u  asso  n'esl  pa-,  ollu  n  i  dan-  I'  \i  unr  li  .1111  ais, 

l.ttties  francaises  5,  no.  18  24  March  1945    6  also  in  catalogue  of  the 

exhibition  Picasso  lihrt  at  the  Galerie  I s  (  am  in  Pans,  nans    \lfred 

IF  Ban  Jr.,  Picasso :  Fift)  Years,  157  58 


Where  Do  They  Come  From-Those  Superb  Paintings 
and  Horrid  Women  of  "Picasso's  War"? 

Brigitlc  litter 

1.  Picasso  had.  in  fat  t.  seen  that  aspec  t.  putting  in  the  19  18  <  rut  ifixion  this 
square  with  rays,  which  is  not  a  veil  of  Veronica  but  the  cubical  lantern 
hum  Gova's  Third  oj May,  1808   At  least  that  is  how  it  looks  to  me 

2.  The  Shadow  of  Death,  One  of  the  three  replicas  is  in  the  Mam  hestei  Cit) 
Museum  and  Art  Gallei\ 

3.  Musee  Picasso  I,  MP.  122;  Zervos  \  11.  287. 

I.  Musee  Picasso  II.  M  P  1071  1082  SeeZervos\  111.  19,  55,  "•  I,  56,50, 
51,  52;  and  Musee  Picasso  II,  M.P.  1210,  Zervos  LX,  193 

5.  Jean  Clair,  "Cette  chose  admirable,  le  peche."  m  (  mps  crut  ifit  >.  exh  c  al 
(Paris:  Musee  Picasso.  1993 

1 1    His  mother,  Olga.  Mane  Therese,  Dora  Maar,  and  perhaps  even  little 
Nusch  whom  Eluard,  according  to  his  prat  tic  e,  had  brought  in  as  a 
thud  participant  in  then  friendship,  which  must  have  amused  I'u  ass,,. 
but  also  perturbed  the  child  within  him;  in  an)  case  on  15  August  1937 
(the  day  of  the  Assumption  of  the  Virgin   he  depicted  Nusi  h  as  a  w  it  ked 
beast  of  prey,  with  the  devouring  smile  of  Little  Red  Riding  Hood's 
wolf-grandmother;  Zervos,  \  III.    169 

7.  Musee  Picasso  II,  MP.  108.1;  not  in  Zervos. 

8.  Leal,  cat.  no.  16,  folios  17  ret  to  and  18  recto.  II  and  19 Jul)  1940,  Royan; 
Zervos  XI,  18  and  19. 

9   When  I  was  a  ver)  little  girl,  I,  too,  was  in  Royan  at  that  time  I  saw. 
I  drank,  and  was  put  to  bed. 

10.  The  inn  onsc  urns  is  buried  so  deepK  in  the  ps\  c  In   thai  it  is  impossible 
even  to  be  approached  by  the  person,  although  it  does  i  ompel  acts  and 
lifelong  positions   It  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  so  called  tinconsi  ious  of 
the  surrealists,  which  is  no  more  than  reverie  that  is,  in  theory,  not  con 
trolled;  a  reverie  that  is  so  superfic  ial  thai  it  resembles  seaweed  floating 

in  ai  the  sin  lac  e  ol  the  watii.  and  the  sin  lea  lists'  absence  "I  I  on  I  ml  is 
siil)|cc  I  to  caution,  a  nice  parloi  game 

11  Carl  Einstein    1885-1940)  —  German Je«  whowasanart  historian, 
philosopher,  and  friend  of  Daniel  Henr)  Kahnweiler,  and  ol  the  c  ubists 
-  committed  sun  ide  on  the  wa)  to  Spain,  trying  to  esc  ape  the  ( lei  mans 

12  Face  &  I'histoire,  5,  exh  cat    Paris  Centre  Georges  Pompidou, 
1996),  19  Decembei  1996  1  Vpril  1997,  and  Annea  W  en  Europe,  Le  tempi 
menacant,  19                Musi-,  d'  \n  Moderne  de  la  \  tile  de  Pans.  20 
Februar)   25  Ma)  199 

13  [ean< au,  Journal  1942  1945  Paris   Editions  Gallimard 

11    Zervos  111   76 

15   Christian  Zervos,  "Conversation  avec  Picasso,"  in  Cat 

i,  10,  nos.  7   1"    1935     10    flus  issue  was  in  fact  published  in 
1936,  although  dated  19  15 
In   |aime  Sali.u  tis.  Picasso,  Portraits  et  souvenirs  Pans   Louis  Carrel  and 


NOTES     241 


19. 


20 


Maximilien  Vox,  1946;  Paris:  L'Ecole  des  Iettres,  1996).  Also,  Picasso:  An 

Intimate  Portrait,  trans.  Angel  Flores  (New  York:  Prentice  Hall,  1948)  and 

Picasso,  Retratosy  recuerdos  (Madrid:  A.  Aguado,  1953).  This  apparently 

simplistic  little  book  has  a  lot  to  tell  us  about  Picasso,  neither  indulgently 

nor  hatefully. 

Zervos,  "Conversations  avec  Picasso,"  40. 

Guillaume  Apollinaire,  "L'adieu  du  cavalier,"  in  Ombre  de  Mon  Amour, 

poem  68,  written  on  20  September  1915:  "Ah  God!  how  pretty  war  is." 

(Geneva:  Pierre  Cailler,  1948). 

Picasso's  situation  in  France  could  have  become  difficult  if  Franco,  in 

Hendaye  in  October  1940,  had  allowed  Hitler  to  move  his  troops  across 

Spain  to  fight  in  North  Africa,  for  Hitler  might  have  given  him  some 

"lollipops"  in  exchange,  such  as  Spanish  Republicans  who  had  taken 

refuge  in  France;  but  Franco  had  the  sense  to  refuse. 

One  must  not  lend  credence  to  the  "testimony"  of  Gerhard  Heller,  an 

intellectual  snob  and  a  minor  underling  who  tended  to  claim,  with  much 

sentimentality  and  often  nauseating  "sensitivity,"  to  have  protected  a  lot 

of  people,  when  in  fact  he  was  a  simple  bystander.  See  Gerhard  Heller, 

Un  Allemand  a  Paris:  1940-1944  (Paris:  Editions  du  Seuil,  1981). 

21.  See  Laurence  Bertrand  Dorleac,  L'Art  de  la  defaite,  1940-1944  (Paris: 
Editions  du  Seuil,  1993). 

22.  I  have  often  wondered  just  how  this  bronze  was  used  in  an  "all-steel" 
war,  but  the  Germans  were  master-salvagers.  Maybe  it  was  used  to  cast 
Arno  Breker's  supermen  and  superwomen? 

23.  Clearly,  the  English  had  been  so  nasty  to  little  Joan  of  Arc!  The  libretto 
was  by  Paul  Claudel,  the  music  by  Arthur  Honegger. 

24.  But  who  knows?  Picasso  detested  pain  and  suffering,  and  he  had  a  ten- 
dency to  burst  into  a  kind  of  anger  toward  those  who  inflicted  it  on  him. 

25.  See  Freud,  passim,  about  gleichschwebende  Aufmerksamkeit. 

26.  Little  Raymonde,  a  child  adopted  for  a  while  by  Fernande  Olivier 
during  the  Demoiselles  d' Avignon  gestation,  was  around  twelve  years  old, 
coming  right  out  of  a  convent,  and  the  studio  was  small.  She  must  have 
hampered  the  lovemaking  of  the  couple  bv  being,  which  is  normal  at 
that  age,  "all  attention."  Picasso  drew  her  in  his  Demoiselles  sketchbooks. 
Her  curiosity  brought  back  to  him  his  peeping-tom  nature  as  a  small 
boy,  and  gave  the  original  bordello  the  shape  and  impact  we  know: 
for  curiosity  is  the  sin  in  that  painting. 

27.  See  W.  Spies  and  C.  Piot,  Picasso:  Das  plastische  Werk  (Stuttgart:  Gerd 
Hatje  Verlag,  1983),  nos.  409,  350,  463,  respectively. 

28.  See  Marcel  Proust,  Le  Temps  retrouve,  vol.  1  (Paris:  NRF/Editions 
Gallimard,  1927),  33;  he  writes  that  when  he  thought  he  was  looking  at 
people,  he  was  in  fact  X-raying  them,  whereas  the  Goncourt  brothers 
were  simply  seeing  their  outside  envelope  and,  so,  could  write 
"descriptions." 

29.  Zervos  XIII,  37. 

30.  Zervos  XIII,  67.  It  is  just  possible,  however,  that  these  two  heads  were 
inspired  by  the  terrible  photographs  (the  first  ones)  of  the  death  camps, 
published  in  Defense  de  la  France,  30  September  1943.  This  was  a  clandes- 
tine paper.  The  snapshots  might  have  been  shown  to  Picasso  by  some- 
one like  Desnos;  they  are  of  Greek  children  and  Russian  prisoners. 

31.  Zervos  XIII,  36,  21  May. 

32.  Zervos  XIII,  95,  24  August. 

33.  In  Hotel  du  Nord,  a  film  by  Marcel  Carne,  1938. 

34.  Having,  some  ten  years  ago,  been  skimming  through  Mary  Mathews 
Gedo,  Picasso:  Art  as  Autobiography  (Chicago  and  London:  University  of 
Chicago  Press,  1980),  I  noticed,  after  having  written  this  obvious  remark, 
that  the  author  had  written  about  the  link  between  Guernica  and  the 
Malaga  earthquake,  but  in  another  context.  See  page  181. 

35.  See  this  photograph  in  John  Richardson  with  Marilyn  McCully,  A  Life 
of  Picasso,  vol.  1  (New  York:  Random  House,  1991),  32.  On  top,  age  four; 
on  the  bottom,  age  seven. 

16    Les  Demoiselles  d'Avignon,  exh.  cat.  (Paris:  Musee  Picasso,  1988),  sketch- 
book 4,  folios  14  and  15. 

37.  And  it  was  perhaps  from  these  quarrels  that  the  artist's  fear  of  syphilis 
arose,  although  [he  fear  of  llns  disease  was  widespread  at  the  time. 

38.  See  notes  27  and  10. 

39.  See  Proust,  Du  <  '.<>te  de  chez  Swann,  (1928). 

40.  D.  W.  Winnicot  (died  1971)  was  a  world-renowned  psychoanalyst, 
primarily  oi  (  hildren.  His  books  have  been  widely  translated.  They  are 


49 


50. 


51. 
52. 
53. 

54. 
55. 

56, 
57. 
58. 
59. 
60. 
61. 
62. 


at  the  same  time  accurate,  enlightening,  and  deeply  original;  wonderful, 
too,  and  tender,  they  are  all  written  in  simple  words.  The  concepts  of 
a  "good-enough  mother"  and  that  of  the  capacity,  for  a  baby,  and  then 
for  the  adult  "to  be  alone  in  the  presence  of  someone"  are  his.  A  good- 
enough  mother  is  one  who  can  adapt  herself  to  the  changing  needs  of 
a  growing  infant  and  child  without  intruding.  Thus,  an  adult  who  never 
had  the  possibility,  as  a  baby,  of  playing  restfully  under  the  evenly 
suspended  attention  of  his  mother  will  always  be  unhappv  and  will 
make  other  people  unhappy,  among  other  things.  Moreover,  the  adult 
never  had  the  "peace"  necessary  to  be  creative.  His  most  famous 
book  is  Playing  and  Reality  (London:  Tavistock,  1971;  see  index  for 
"mother"  and  "alone." 

The  notion  of  the  "intermediate  space  of  Mothers"  in  Goethe  has  been 
much  pondered  and  discussed  for  centuries,  because  it  is  somewhat 
nebulous.  But  artists  seem  to  grasp  it,  in  their  own  way.  See,  for  example, 
Giovanni  Segantini  (1858-1899),  Le  catlive  madn,  1894  (Osterreichische 
Galerie,  Vienna),  and  II  castigo  delle  lussuriose,  1891  (Kunsthaus  Zurich); 
there  are  also,  in  Segantini's  mountains  around  Maloja,  some  round  and 
deep  holes  that  are  called  "the  wells  of  the  Mothers."  Hermann  Broch 
made  the  notion  somewhat  clearer  in  his  beautiful  book.  The  Death  of 
Virgil  (trans.  Jeanne  Starr  Untermayer  [New  York:  Pantheon,  1945]).  This 
was  much  later,  as  the  book  was  written  mostly  at  Princeton,  at  the  end  of 
his  life.  It  seems  that  this  notion  is  coming  back  "en  force"  in  intellectual 
circles,  perhaps  because  it  can  only  be  grasped  obscurely,  by  poets 
and  painters.  Picasso,  of  course,  did  not  know  about  it  but  he  still  had 
to  endure  the  "intermediate  space  of  the  Mothers." 
Baer,  cat  no.  623. 

Andre  Malraux,  La  Tele  d'obsidienne  (Paris:  Editions  Gallimard,  1974),  1 18. 
See  Pierre  Cabanne,  Le  Siecle  de  Picasso,  vol.  2  (Paris:  Editions  Denoel, 
1975).  The  author  says  that  Roland  Penrose  told  him  the  story. 
Baer,  cat  nos.  625  and  626. 
Baer,  cat  no.  646. 
Baer,  cat.  nos.  649  and  672. 

It  is  this  "collage"  and  this  lack  of  balance  that  twelve  years  ago 
plunged  me  into  a  study  drowned  in  clouds  of  tobacco  smoke,  a  la 
Sherlock  Holmes.  I  had  Degas  in  my  head,  and  ended  up  finding 
the  precise  source. 

Paul-Andre  Lemoisne,  Degas  et  son  oeuvre  (Paris:  Paul  Brame  et  C.  M. 
de  Hauck  with  Arts  et  Metiers  Graphiques,  1946-1949),  cat.  no.  717. 
Picasso  could  have  seen  the  work  in  Vollard's  book,  Degas,  published  by 
Cres  in  1924,  in  Paris.  He  probably  saw  it  again  at  the  exhibition  Degas, 
at  the  Orangerie,  Paris,  1937,  where  it  was  lent  by  Durand-Ruel  (no.  120). 
It  was  purely  by  chance  that  I  discovered,  while  researching  Degas,  how 
Picasso's  mother  died,  from  a  book  borrowed  from  Maya  Picasso  and 
annotated  by  her:  her  father  had  sent  her  to  spend  a  few  months  at  his 
sister  Lola's  house  in  Barcelona,  a  house  that  had  been  the  family  home. 
Lola  told  Maya  Picasso  exactly  what  happened. 
See  note  47. 

Leal,  cat.  no.  42:  Royan,  30  September-29  October  1939;  M.P.  1990-1 1 1. 
See  Aeschylus,  Oresteia:  The  Choephori  and  The  Eumenides:  i.e,  the  death  of 
Clytemnestra  and  after. 

Leal  cat.  no.  42,  folio  96,  recto;  Zervos  X,  109. 

Tomas  Harris,  Goya:  Engravings  and  Lithographs  (Oxford:  Bruno  Cassirer, 
1964;  San  Francisco:  Alan  Wofsy  Fine  Arts,  1983),  cat.  no.  119. 
Leal,  cat.  no.  42,  folio  42,  recto;  Zervos  X,  53. 
Zervos  X,  302. 

Leal,  cat.  no.  42,  folios  49-53,  rectos;  Zervos  X.  5  I,  73.  69,  70,  71. 
Proust,  Du  Cote  de  chez  Swann,  vol.  1. 
See  Zervos  IX,  352. 
See  note  53. 

We  must  never  forget  that  although  Picasso's  family  did  not  regularly 
attend  church,  and  that  he  himself,  at  least  when  he  was  young,  "ate 
clerics  alive,"  as  a  radical-socialist  primary  schoolteacher  would  do 
during  the  first  half  of  our  century,  nevertheless  he  had  been  brought 
up  in  nineteenth-centur)  Spain.  He  was  imbued  with  biblical  history 
and  the  lives  ol  the  saints,  things  thai  were  taught  to  children  in  school; 
hence,  he  was  lull  ol  rehgiosilv 
Zervos  X,  194-196. 

Baer,  cat.  no.  682. 


242      NOTES 


65 
66 
67 


68. 
69 

70. 
71. 

72. 
73. 
71. 
75 

71, 
77 


78. 
79. 
80. 


Brassai',  Conversations avet  Picasso  Pans:  Editions  Gallimard,  1964    I  17 
See  note  53. 

This  photograph,  reproduced  here  ihrough  the  kindness  i>l  the  \  ilato 
famil)  and  especially  Xaviei  Vilato,  Picasso's  grandnephew,  I  found 
onl)  l>\  accident;  but,  as  Picasso  didn't  say,  one  onl)  finds  what,  in 

Millie  i  en  lie  i  ul  line's  In  .nil.  one  is  looking  fol 

23  April  l942;Zervos  XII,  I  I 
26 June  l941;Zervos  XI,  199. 
Zervos  XI,  153. 
Zervos  XI,  151. 
Zervos  XI,  272. 

Zervos  ]  \.    tli2. 

Zervos  XI,  221  and  222 

Bemhard  Geiser,  rev.  and  supp.  li\  Brigitte  Baer,  Picasso, peintrt  graueur, 

\dl.  2  Heine:  Editions  Kornfeld,  I'1'1-'  .  cat  no.  2X7 

/eixos   \l.    I  12. 

Little  children  "believe"  dial  die  seeds  of  babies  are  swallowed  l>\  the 
mothei  in  else  brought  in  either  through  the  navel  oi  die  amis,  and  dun 
lhe\  come  mil  again  In  one  ul  those  orifices,  the  onl)  ones  the)  know 
about.  The  "belief"  ver)  often  remains  in  the  unconscious,  although  the 

adult  knows  perfect i\  well  how  il  winks,  and  how  to  make  it  work. 

Spies  and  Rot,  PicOSSO,  i  al    00 

Ibid.,  cat.  no.  2.18. 

Rudyard  Kipling.  "A  Friend  of  the  Family,"  in  Debits  ami  <  'redits 

London:  Penguin,  1993  .  2.^2. 


Circumventing  Picasso: 
Jean  Paulhan  and  His  Artists 

Main  /<  ( '.  Com 

I    See   lbn\  |  nt  It .  l'a\l  liiifn  r/eit   French  Intellectuals  1'1-JJ   !').')/>   Berkelex: 
Universit)  of  California  l'i  ess,  1992  ,  2(i;  Frederic  Badre's  new  luographx 
of  Paulhan,  Patllkan  /<  /u\ti    Pans,  (iiassct,  1997);  see  also  John  Culbert. 
"Sloxx  Progress   |can  Paulhan  and  Madagascar,"  OctoberXA   winter  1998 

2.  The  Men  Mum  Rouge  painters  included  |ean  Ba/.aine.  Maurice  i.stexe, 
Charles  Lapicque,  Edouard  Pignon,  Andre  Fougeron,  and  others  who 
shared  a  vivid  palette,  occasional!)  using  the  colors  of  the  Frem  h  Hag. 
Romantic  realists  included  Roland  Oudot,  Maurice  Brianchon,  and 
Ra\  niond  I.egueull,  whose  middle  of  the  road  approac  h  to  painting  xxas 
neither  thorough!)  academic  nor  thoroughly  vanguard.  Lucien  Rebate!. 
the  notorious  critic  ol./r  suispartout,  coined  the  expression  "Between  the 
|ew  and  the  Pompier"  In  signify  middle  of  the  roadism.  Pompier  art 
was  the  vulgat  xxax  ol  leiemng  to  the  academic  milieu,  while  Jewish  art 
stood  Foi  extreme  vanguardism  foreign  to  the  French  sensibility. 

I    [ear  Paulhan,  Choix  <li  lettres  II  1937-1945:  Traite  des  jours  somhres  (Paris: 
F.ditions  Gallimard,  1992  ,  331.  In  a  1937  lettet  in  the  same  vein, 
Paulhan  had  called  Guernica  "faith  uninteresting."  37.  All  translations 
are  b\  the  author. 

I    lni  a  histor)  ol  representations  of  death  in  the  western  world,  see 
Philippe  Aries,  Essais  mi  I'histoirt  ile  In  mart  en  Occident  tin  Moyen  Age 
a  nos  joun  Pans:  Editions  du  Seuil,  1975 

5  See  Michele  C.  Cone.  "Picasso's  W.n  in  ( )ccupied  Pans."  \ili\l\  undt  I 
Vichy:  A  Casi  o/Prejudia  and  Persecution  Princeton,  N  [.:  Princeton 
Universit)  Press,  1992  ,133  14 

i.   [bid., 55. 

7.  [Pierre]  Drieu  la  Roi  belli'.  "La  peinture  et  les  siens,"  Comoedia, 
23  April  1941 

8.  Paulhan.  Choix,  224. 

9.  Jean  Paulhan.  liraqut  le  patron    Pans    Mourlot.  [945;  Geneva  and  Pans 

Trois  Collines,  1946 

10.  Jean  Paulhan  JeanGrenia  Corrcspomlanu  /''_•;  i')6fi  (Quimpei 
Calligrammes,  1984  ,  1 15. 

11.  Femand  Mniiilui,  Gravis  dans  ma  memoirt   Pans   Laffont,  1979),  117. 

12.  Ibid.,  120. 

I  t.   All  three  works  are  referenced  in  Andre  Heme  |iillro\,  /mil  I'nulluin  a 

trovers ses peintres  Paris:  Musees  Nationaux,  1974),  nos.  171.  163,  and  Ui7 


1  I     Paulhan,  Choix,  264 

1  '    [ohn  Golding,  Sophie  Bowness,  [sabelle  \l  tine,  Braqu 

hit:  Works  \ew  Haven  and  London   Yale  Universit)  Press 

[6.   Ibid 
17    [bid      ■ 
IS    Ibid,   in 

[9.  Ibid  .  '  ■ 

.'H     Paulhan.   (  hoi*    96    9 

21.  Lucien  Rebatet,  "Revolutionnaires  d'arriere  garde,"  Jt  wis  pat  tout, 

29  (  i.  mli. -i  I'M  ; 
22   Si  i   Bouviei  on  Braque's  sculpture,  Comoedia,  29  Vugusl  1942,  and 

Bazaine  on  Braquein  Comoedia,  5  [une  194  I 
.'  I    Mourlot,  Graves,  12'   In  fact,  the  Nazi  intellectual  Gerhard  Hellei  I  iked 

Braque's  paintings,  and  one  "I  them  \^n\  been  on  view  in  an  exhibition 

of  modern  French  art  held  in  Nazi  Berlin  in  1931  Set   Michel.  I     I 

"fiench  Ail  ol  the  Present  m  Na/i  Berlin."  forthcoming  in  thl 

Bulletin,  Septembei  1998 

2  I    Rene  Drouin  and  Leo  Casteili  had  started  the  gallei  \  in  19  19  and.  aftei 

C'astelli's  departure  foi  the  I'liited  Suites,  Drouin  reopened  ii  alot 
I  lis  In  si  director,  a  i  oUaborationist,  xxas  Georges  Maratier;  lus  second 
duet  toi.  an  active  resister,  was  Gildo  Caputo  Paulhan  was  the  eminena 
rist  ..I  the  gallei \ 

!  -    Paulhan,  Choix,  337. 

26    Get  hard  Heller.  Un  Allcmand  a  l'an\    Pans    f.ditions  du  Seuil,  1981  .  116 

27.Jean  Paulhan,  Fautriei  I'enragt   Pans   Blaizot,  1949 

28  1  be  In  si  in  identih  this  postwai  sensibilit)  was  the  French  critit  Michel 
Tapie  de  C'e\  l.ian  Against  formalism  and  against  an)  kind  of  Franco  / 
French  particularism,  be  placed  Dubuffel  as  well  as  Fautriei  in  the  icin 
pany  of  American  de  Kooning  .  Lnglish  I'aolo/./i  .  Dutch  \ppeh,  and 
Canadian  (Rioppellej  artists  who,  he  felt,  bad  rejected  tradition  and 
worked  from  a  neo-Dadaist  position  ol  artistii  tabula  rasa. 

29.  The  catalogue  of  the  1943  Drouin  exhibition  provides  only  a  lisi  oi  the 
exhibited  works,  and  one  illustration  wiili  no  i  aplion.  in  addition  to  the 
Paulhan  text. 

10  See  Marcel  Andre  Stalter,  "Fautrier,  du  permanent  au  fugace"  in 
Suzanne  Page,  ed.,Jean  Fautrier  (Paris:  Paris-Musees,  1989:.  42-43. 

3 1 .  Berne  Joffrov,  Jean  Paulhan  a  trovers  ses peintres,  218. 

32.  For  details  seeJean-Paul  Ledeiu.  "fauiiier,  la  chaii  de  1'emotion,"  in 
Page,  Jean  Fautrier,  12    I  I 

33.  Ibid..  95  96. 

34.  Paulhan,  Choix,  322. 

35.  Ibid.,  32  I 

16.  Lucien  Rebatet,  "Les  arts  et  les  lettres,"  /.  w/i.  pintnut.  2">  Novembei  I'M  ; 

17  [ean  Marc  Campagne,  interview  with  the  author,  16 June  1984  He  brings 
up  "la  \pmtualite  juive,"  "le paysage  mental juif,  ""les  particularismes  fui/s. " 

38.  This  link  is  rareh  acknowledged  b\  Souline  scholais.  as  Rom\  (iolan 
observes  in  "Blind  A I  lex  :    file  Reception  ..I  Sou  tine  in  I  i.iu.  .    altei 

U.nld  War  II,"  in  Soutine,  exh.  cat.   New  Y..ik    I  he  [ewish  Museum, 

1998    M\  thanks  to  Rom)  (Jolan  Foi  lni  valuable  advice  and  foi 

making  her  text  available. 
19   [ean  Paulhan,  Fautrier  I'enragt   Paris:  Editions  Gallimard,  1962),  18 
10.  The  portrait  is  reproduced  in  Andre  Verdet,  Jean  Fautriei  I  reibu 

Limmer  Gallery,  1981). 

11  [acqueline  Cousin,  Dossier  Fautrier,  Cahiers  bleus,  1975  Reprint  1989,83 
( .ill  ..I  \ino  Breker  to  the  authoi 

12.  The  name  Garde  "keep"  bm  also  "nurse"  in  French  was  given  to  Gerda 

Groth  b)  Souiine.  The  artist  decided  to  "keep"  Groth  aftei  spendii 

evening  with  her,  and  lei  hei  become  Ins  "nurse  " 
\  '•    Mile  Garde,  "Mes  annees  a\..  Suniine,"  /  'Oeil.  Janu.nx    19 
II    Elie  lame  quoted  in  SouUru   Paris:  Orangerie  des  luileries,  1973),  li 
l".    Paulhan,  Choix,  1 1  I 

io    [bid.,  117  Masson  was  the  French  surrealist  paintei 
•17.  Ibid  .  129.  Roland  Oudot  and  Maurice  Hi  iani  Ik  a  i  were  romantic  realists 

whose  b.si  wink  xx, is  designing  sets  for  the  Pans  <  Ipera  produi  tions 

See  in 

18  Paulhan.  (  hoix,    II  1 

19  Maurice  fuchman  in  Mai fAichman,  Esti  Dunow,  and  Klaus  Perls, 

Chaim  Soutint  (li  catalogue  raisonne,  vol    i    I 

Benedikl  faschen  Verlag    1993     16    fuchman  speaks  of  a  transcendental 


NOTES     243 


motif  in  the  invisible  presence  of  wind  in  the  late  landscapes,  whereas 
I  read  a  memory  of  windblown  steppes  in  the  late  landscapes  peopled 
with  children. 

50.  Mile  Garde,  "Mes  annees,"  29. 

5 1 .  See  Michael  Marrus  and  Robert  Paxton,  Vichy  France  and  the  Jews  (New 
York:  Basic  Books,  1981),  250-55. 

52.  Ibid.,  236. 

53.  The  collector  Pierre  Levy  tells  in  his  memoirs  that  Max  Kaganovitch, 
a  refugee  dealer  in  Lyons,  continued  to  sell  his  work.  See  Pierre  Levy, 
Des  artistes  et  un  collectionneur  (Paris:  Flammarion,  1976),  185. 

54.  Mile  Garde,  "Mes  annees,"  31. 

55.  Paulhan,  Choix,  311.  An  article  entitled  "Contre  les  peintres  d'aujour- 
d'hui,"  signed  Maurice  Sachs,  praising  Soutine,  had  appeared  in  the 
July  1934  NRF. 

56.  Ibid.,  353.  Georges  Limbour  had  been  a  friend  of  Dubuffet  since  the 
1920s,  when  both  circulated  among  the  surrealists. 

57.  Jean  Dubuffet,  Batons  rompus  (Paris:  Minuit,  1986),  7. 

58.  Ibid.,  8. 

59.  Ibid.  It  was  not  a  funeral  but  a  mass  held  at  Eglise  St.-Roch. 

60.  Berne Joffroy,  "Elements  biographiques,"  Jean  Paulhan  a  travers  ses 
peintres,  xi. 

61.  Jean  Paulhan,  Les  Fleurs  de  Tarbes  ou  la  terreur  dans  les  lettres  (Paris: 
Editions  Gallimard,  1941),  35. 

62.  Ibid.  Such  deconstruction  of  language  evokes  Artaud's  ideas  in  the 
Theatre  of  Cruelty  -  the  elimination  of  dialogue  from  the  theatre,  and 
the  recourse  to  gestures,  howls,  and  incantations  instead. 

63.  Paulhan,  Braque  le  patron,  22. 

64.  Culbert,  "Slow  Progress:  Jean  Paulhan  and  Madagascar,"  89. 

65.  Paulhan,  Choix,  342. 

66.  Berne-Joffroy,  "Elements,"  xx. 

67.  Quoted  in  Frances  Morris,  Paris  Post  War:  Art  and  Existentialism  (London: 
The  Tate  Gallery,  1993),  144. 

68.  Rebatet,  "Revolutionnaires  d'arriere  garde." 


Reports  from  the  Home  Fronts: 

Some  Skirmishes  over  Picasso's  Reputation 

Michael  FitzGerald 

I  have  not  cited  publications  that  appear  in  other  texts  in  this  catalogue 
and  are  not  essential  sources  for  this  text.  I  am  especially  grateful  to 
Gertje  Utley  for  sharing  with  me  her  research  into  the  Picasso  Archives, 
Musee  Picasso,  Paris.  In  order  to  prepare  for  the  birth  of  a  son,  I  have 
sometimes  abbreviated  arguments  in  this  essay.  May  we  all  live  to  fight 
another  day. 

1.  San  Francisco  Chronicle,  3  September  1944. 

2.  Brassai,  Conversations  avec  Picasso  (Paris:  Editions  Gallimard,  1964),  182-83. 

3.  In  January  to  April  1938,  the  painting  toured  Denmark  and  Scandinavia 
in  a  nonpolitical  exhibition  of  works  by  Matisse,  Braque,  Laurens,  and 
Picasso. 

4.  Henry  McBride,  "Picasso's  Guernica  Here,"  New  York  Sun,  6  May  1939. 

5.  Springfield  Republican,  18  July  1937.  Although  McCausland  wrote 
primarily  for  a  regional  newspaper,  her  criticism  was  widely  followed 
in  the  art  world. 

<>.  "Art's  Acrobat,"  Time,  13  February  1939,  44. 
7  SpriTlgfield  Republican,  19  November  1939. 

8.  Jerome  Mellquist,  "Picasso:  Painter  of  the  Year,"  Nation,  9  December 

1939,  658. 

9.  Press  release,  August  19  13,  The  Museum  of  Modern  Art  Archives,  New 
York:  Alfred  II.  Ban, Jr.,  Papers;  Box  16.  Subgroup  VIII. B.2. 
Misidcntified  as  issued  in  conjunction  with  Picasso:  Forty  Years  of  His  Art. 

10.  Museum  of  Modern  Art  Bulletin,  October-November  1942,  19. 

I  I    "The  Last  Time  I  Saw  Picasso,"  Art  News,  1-14  March  1942,  36. 

12.  For  Picasso's  relations  with  dealers  before  World  War  II,  see  Michael 
hl/.(  .'i  .i  Id,  \hil,in»  Modernism:  I'luisso  and  the  Citation  oj  the  Market  for 
Twentieth- Century  Art  (New  York:  Farrar  Straus  and  Giroux,  199  i 


In  New  York,  Rosenberg  held  exhibitions  of  Picasso's  work  in  February- 
March  1942,  April  and  December  1943,  February-March  1947,  and 
March-April  1948.  Pierre  Matisse  held  an  exhibition  in  December  1943. 

13.  Vlaminck's  denunciation  first  appeared  in  the  Paris  newspaper  Comoedia 
(6June  1942)  and  was  reprinted  in  Portraits  avant  deces  (Paris:  Flammarion, 
1943).  Picasso  kept  a  clipping  of  this  article  and  referred  to  it  when 
discussing  the  experience  of  the  Occupation.  In  the  13  June  issue  of 
Comoedia,  Andre  Lhote  offered  a  somewhat  lukewarm  defense  of  Picasso, 
and  others  supported  him  in  the  20June  issue.  My  thanks  to  Steven 
Nash  for  bringing  this  episode  to  my  attention. 

14.  Harriet  and  Sidney  Janis,  Picasso:  The  Recent  Years  1939-1946  (New  York: 
Doubleday,  1946),  pi.  55.  It  is  not  clear  whether  these  paintings  were 
purchased  during  the  war  or  in  the  months  immediately  following  the 
Liberation. 

15.  Martin  Fabiani,  Qiiandj'etais marchand dc  tableaux (Paris:Julliard,  1976),  127. 

16.  Hector  Feliciano  reports  the  aftermath  of  one  transaction.  During  the 
war,  Fabiani  sold  or  traded  a  painting  by  the  Douanier  Rousseau  to 
Picasso,  after  Picasso  required  a  certificate  from  Fabiani  stating  that  the 
picture  was  not  illegally  obtained.  After  the  war,  Picasso  learned  that  the 
painting  had  been  confiscated  by  the  Nazis  from  Pierre  Wertheimer  and 
passed  to  Fabiani.  The  Lost  Museum  (New  York:  Basic  Books,  1997),  121. 

17.  The  papers  of  Louis  Carre's  gallery  are  preserved  in  the  French  Archives 
Nationales. 

18.  Gerhard  Heller  reported  seeing  some  Picassos  at  Carre's  gallery,  but 
there  is  no  evidence  the  dealer  had  a  substantial  stock  during  the  war. 
Un  Allemand  a  Paris:  1940-1944  (Pans:  Editions  du  Seuil,  1981),  115. 

19.  Auction  records  indicate  the  inflated  prices  in  French  francs  paid  for 
paintings  during  the  war.  For  example,  one  of  Picasso's  paintings 
brought  610,000  francs  at  Drouot  in  early  June  1942,  and  the  sale  of  the 
Viau  collection  at  Drouot  on  12-13  December  1942  included  a  Picasso 
that  sold  for  1,610,000  and  another  for  1,300,000  francs.  These  prices  are 
many  times  those  reached  at  the  peak  of  the  pre-Depression  market.  As 
one  example,  in  1929  Viscount  de  Noailles  bought  a  small  Dinard  paint- 
ing for  43,000  francs.  Besides  sales  on  the  open  market,  extensive  deal- 
ings were  common  in  modern  paintings  confiscated  by  the  Nazis  from 
French  citizens,  primarily  Jews  such  as  Paul  Rosenberg.  In  general,  Nazi 
officials,  such  as  Hermann  Goring  or  Otto  Abetz,  requisitioned  paintings 
by  Picasso  or  his  contemporaries  without  intending  to  keep  them.  They 
were  to  be  sold  on  the  international  market  (generally  in  Switzerland), 
or  swapped  with  dealers  or  collectors  for  old-master  pictures.  These 
practices  were  thoroughly  documented  at  the  end  of  the  war  by  James 
Plaut  and  Theodore  Rousseau  of  the  OSS  Art  Looting  Unit.  See  my 
review  of  recent  publications  on  this  subject:  "Nazi  Esthetes,"  Art  in 
America,  February  1998,  33-35. 

20.  For  some  of  these  exhibitions,  see  Steven  Nash's  chronology  in  this 
volume  and  Michele  Cone,  Artists  under  Vichy:  A  Case  of  Prejudice  and 
Persecution  (Princeton,  N.J.:  Princeton  University  Press,  1992). 

21.  The  auction  is  discussed  in  Resolution  nationale  (18  July  1942).  It  was  held 
by  "LUnion  des  artistes,"  and  Picasso's  painting  brought  650,000  francs. 

22.  Roland  Penrose  was  another  deeply  interested  party.  Although  there  are 
several  notes  from  Penrose  to  Picasso  during  1938-39  preserved  in  the 
Picasso  Archives,  there  are  none  from  late  1939  to  mid- 1944.  They 
resume  with  one  dated  27  August  1944,  in  which  Penrose  wrote,  "II  me 
semble  presque  incroyable  encore  de  pouvoir  vous  ecrire."  My  thanks  to 
Steven  Nash  for  bringing  this  correspondence  to  my  attention. 

23.  "Excerpts  from  Gladys  Delmas,  'French  Art  during  the  Occupation,'" 
MoMA  Archives:  AHB  Papers.  Presumably  "occult"  is  a  mistranscription 
of  "cult." 

24.  G.  H.  Archambault,  "Picasso,"  New  York  Times  Magazine,  29  <  )ctober  1944. 

25.  Letter  of  28  March  1945.  Translation  courtesy  of  Cone,  Artists  under 
Vichy,  233-34. 

26.  Correspondence  between  Plaut  and  Ban  in  MoMA  Archives:  AHB 
Papers;  16.VIII.B.2. 

27.  Alfred  H.  Barr  Jr.,  Picasso:  Fifty  Years  of  His  Art  (New  York:  The  Museum 
of  Modern  Art,  1940),  245. 

28.  Ibid.,  250. 

29.  Ibid.,  250. 

30.  Carre  held  the  first  exhibition  from  20 June  through  18 July  1945  and 
the  second  from  11  fune  through  14  Jul)  1946. 


244      NOTES 


11.  "The  [940   1 5  I'h  asso  in  His  Latest  Paris  Show,"  Art  Mews,  1-30 

Septembei  19  I  5,  1 1 
32.  "Picasso:  Late,  Lain.  Latest,"  Art  News,  Februan  1947,  I'l 
.13.  Francoise  Gilot  and  Charlton  Lake,  Lift  with  Picasso   New    i>nk 

McGraw  Hill,  1964  ,286 
34.  Kootz's  first  exhibition  oi  Picasso's  work,  which  he  billed  as  "the  Srsl 

post  wai  showing  in  America  of  recent  paintings  1>n  Picasso,"  occurred 

from  27  |anuan  through  15  Februar)  1947 
i    v ■!■  Michael  FitzGerald,  "A  triangle  ol  Ambitions:  Art,  Politics,  and 

Family  during  the  Postwar  Years  with  Francoise  Gilot,"  in  William 

Rubin,  ed.,  Picasso  and  Portraiture  Representation  and  Transformation  New 

V>rk    Fhe  Museum  of  Modem  Art,  1996),  144  n    16 

36.  [anis  and  Jams.  Picasso:  The  Recent  Years,  pi.  55.  Foi  the  Ganzes'  I  ollet  I 
ing,  see  Michael  FitzGerald.  ed..  A  Life  of  Collecting   Sail)  and  I  ICtOT  Ganz 

N'.-w  York  and  London:  Christie's,  1997    On  2  Ma)  1949,  Kootz  wrote 

to  l'u  asso.  "As  \ou  know.  I  have  main  ol  \oui  paintings  in  stuck  now. 
as  business  has  In tn  i/intt  bad."  l'u  asso  Arcrmes.  Musee  l'u  asso.  Pans. 
M\  thanks  to  Gertje  I  lh\  foi  bringing  tins  letter  to  m\  attention 

37.  Elizabeth  McCausland,  Picasso  New  York:  ACA  Gallery,  1944),  12. 
[erome  Seckler,  "Picasso  Explains,"  Neu   Masses,  I  i  March  1945. 

18  Charles  Wertenbaker,  "Pablo  Picasso:  Porn  ait  ol  the  Artist,"  Life,  I  I 

October  1947 

19  [oseph  A   Barry,  "Picasso's  Dove  Takes  Off:  The  New  Bird,  Like  the 
Old  One,  Is  a  Fine  Target  for  the  French  Humorists."  New  York  Times, 
11  Octobei   1!).")0.   The  text  concluded: 

Something  has  frightened  [Picasso 's  dove]  badly.  And  it  all  happened  in  Korea. 
Uncle  Joe  sent  tanks  and  planet  and  guru  to  th<  North  Koreans  and  pointed 
them  toward  the  south.  It  was  not  enough,  so  Uncle  Joe  sent  for  Picasso  and 
said:  "Corporal  Picasso,  to  the  rescue.'  The  North  Koreans  are  collapsing.' 
Quick,  a  dove. " 

Picasso's  dove  is  just  coming  back,  and  it  is  coming  back  as  fast  as  its  one  wing 
can  take  it.  The  left  wing,  as  anyone  can plamh  mi.  bus  ban  hit.  People  who 
start  a  war  and  ay  "Peace"  are  not  Jit  companions  for  man,  beast,  nor  dove, 
even  if  they  use  the  coo  coo  language,  so  the  new  dove  is  getting  away  fast. 

As  Gertje  UUey  has  carefully  documented,  a  wide  range  of  responses  to 
Picasso's  art  existed  among  French  critics  after  the  w  ar.  Although  Picasso 
probabK  took  very  few  of  them  seriously,  conservative  critics,  who  had 

ne\  er  shown  much  s\  mpath)  for  his  work,  went  so  far  as  to  accuse  him 
of  corrupting  "pure"  French  cultural  traditions.  "Picasso  and  the  French 
Post  War  'Renaissance':  A  Questioning  ol  National  Identity."  in  Jonathan 
Brown,  ed.,  Picasso  and  the  Spanish  Tradition  New  Haven  and  London:  Yale 
Universit)  Press,  1996  .  95   1 17,  Thissituation  is  far  too  complex  to  allow 
extensive  treatment  here. 

10.   Writing  to  Roland  Penrose  regarding  Picasso's  signing  an  open  letter  to 
L'Humaniti  protesting  the  Soviet  suppression  of  dissent  in  Hungar\  in 
1956,  Ban  stated.  "( )f  course  I  am  pleased  that  he  signed  the  open  letter 
to  l.'Ilumanitt.  but  I  can't  help  feeling  a  certain  sense  of  disgust  that  it 
should  have  taken  him  so  long  to  declare  what  has  been  so  painfull) 
obvious  to  the  rest  of  the  world.  ..."  Letter.  Id  |anuar\    1957,  MoMA 
Aulmrv  AHB  Papers;  Box  2.  Subgroup  II.  Series  C. 

41.  See  Michael  Fit/Gerald.  "Triangle  ol  Ambitions."  1  10    11. 


NOTES     .'  i  ■ 


246 


Selected  Bibliography 

Picasso  and  the  War  Years:  1937-1945 


Note: 

The  literature  on  Picasso  in  general,  (lie  Spanish  C'i\  il  Wai ,  and 
France  during  World  War  II  is  immense.  This  bibliographv  is 
reduced  to  a  highly  selective  list  of  the  most  useful  sources  on 
Picasso's  life  and  work  during  the  period  HKS7    I!)  !.">.  lor  infor- 
mation and  bibliography  on  the  Spanish  Civil  War.  see  Hugh 
Thomas,  1  lit  Spanish  Civil  Win,  rev.  ed.    New  York:  Harper 
and  Row,  1977).  Among  the  most  authoritative  texts  on  the 
history  of  France  during  World  War  II  are  Robert  ( ).  Paxton, 
1  iihy  France:  Old  Guard  and  New  Order,  1940-1911  (New  York: 
Columbia  University  Press,  1982i;  Jean  Baptiste  Duronselle, 
L'Abime:  1939-19  13  Pans:  Imprimerie  Nationale,  1982);  Henri 
Amouroux,  La  Grande  Histoire  des  Francais  sous  I'occupation 
(Paris:  Editions  Robert  Lallont,  197t>  ,  and  Philippe  Burrin, 
France  under  the  Germans:  Collaboration  and  Compromise,  trans. 
from  French  by  Janet  Lloyd  (New  York:  New  Press,  1996). 


Abbreviated  References  Cited  in  Notes  to  the  Essays 

Baer 

Baer,  Brigitte.  Catalogue  raisonne  de  I'oeuvre grave  el  des  monotypes, 
1933-1913.  Vol.  3    L986  of  Bernhard  Geiser  and  Brigitte 
Baer.  Picasso:  Peintre-graveur.  7  vols,  and  addendum.  Bern: 
Editions  Komfeld,  1986-96. 

Leal 

Leal,  Brigitte.  Musee  Picasso:  Camels.  Catalogue  des  dessins.  2  vols. 
Paris:  Editions  de  la  Reunion  des  Musees  Nationaux,  1991  i. 

Musee  Picasso  I 

Musee  Picasso:  Catalogue  sommaire  des  collections.  Peintures,  papiers 
colics,  tableaux-reliefs,  sculptures,  ceramiques.  Paris:  Editions  de  la 
Reunion  des  Musees  Nationaux,  1985. 

Musee  Picasso  II 

Richet,  Michele.  Musee  Picasso:  Catalogue  sommaire  des  collections. 
Dessins,  aquarelles,  gouaches,  pastels.  Paris:  Editions  de  la 
Reunion  des  Musees  Nationaux,  1987. 

Zervos 

Zervos,  Christian.  Pablo  Picasso.  33  vols.  Paris:  Editions  Cahiers 
d'Art.  19:52-78. 


Archives 

Hoovei  institution  Archives,  Hoovei  institution  on  War,  Revolution  and 
IV. ci  e,  Stanford  I  niversitv 


Musee  Picasso,  Paris,  Picasso  \n  bivi 

lli<-  Museum  oi  Mod,,  u  Art  Archives,  New  York    Mind  II   Ba 

Picasso  Literature 


Papers 


Ades,  Dawn,  (  omp    IrlandPowet  Europt  under  t/u  l> 
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Magazine,  29  Octobei  194  I.  18   19    19 

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Baer,  Brigitte.  "Eine  Leseart  von  Picasso's  Werk  im  der  Kriegsjahren:  Eine 
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— .  LArtdela  defaite,  1940  1944.  Paris:  Editions  du  Seuil,  1993 

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Brassai  [Gyula  1 1. ilas/ 1  .md  Daniel  Henr)  Kahnweilei   LesSt  ulpturt 
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Dubois,  Andre-Louis.  A  travers  trois  republiques:  Sous  le  signe  de  Tamitie  . 
Paris:  Plon,  1972. 

Duncan,  David  Douglas.  Picasso's  Picassos.  New  York:  Harper,  1961. 

Elsen,  Albert.  "Picasso's  Man  with  a  Sheep:  Beyond  Good  and  Evil." 
Art  InternationaTIl,  no.  2  (March-April  1977):  8-15,  29-31. 

Eluard,  Paul.  A  Pablo  Picasso.  Geneva  and  Paris:  Editions  des  Trois 
Collines,  1945. 

Ferrier,  Jean-Louis.  De  Picasso  a  Guernica:  Genealogie  d'un  tableau.  Paris: 
L'Infini,  Editions  Denoel,  1985. 

Freeman,  Judi.  Picasso  and  the  Weeping  Women:  The  Years  of  Marie -Theme 
Walter  &  Dora  Maar.  Exh.  cat.  Los  Angeles:  Los  Angeles  County  Museum 
of  Art;  New  York:  Rizzoli,  1994. 

Galassi,  Susan  Grace.  Picasso's  Variations  on  the  Masters:  Confronting  the  Past. 
New  York:  Harry  N.  Abrams,  1996. 

Gasman,  Lydia.  "Mystery,  Magic,  and  Love  in  Picasso,  1925-1938:  Picasso 
and  the  Surrealist  Poets."  Ph.D.  diss.,  Columbia  University,  1981. 

( !edo,  Mary  Mathews.  Picasso:  Art  as  Autobiography.  Chicago  and  London: 
The  University  of  Chicago  Press,  1980. 

Geiser,  Bemhard.  Pablo  Picasso:  Lithographs,  1945-1948.  Trans.  Walter  Pack. 
New  York:  Curt  Valentin,  1948. 

Gilol,  Francoise,  and  Carlton  Lake.  Life  with  Picasso.  New  York,  Toronto, 
and  London:  McGraw-Hill,  1964. 


Goeppert,  Sebastian,  and  Herma  Goeppert-Frank.  Pablo  Picasso:  Catalogue 
raisonne  des  livres  illustres.  Geneva:  Patrick  Cramer,  1983. 

Goggin,  Mary-Margaret.  "Picasso  and  His  Art  during  the  German 
Occupation:  1940-1944."  Ph.D.  diss.,  Stanford  University,  1985. 

Gohr,  Siegfried,  ed.  Picasso  im  Zweiten  Weltkrieg:  1939  his  1945.  Exh.  cat. 
Cologne:  Museum  Ludwig,  1988. 

Groth,  John.  "Letter  from  Paris."  Art  Digest  19  (1  December  1944):  9. 

.  "Picasso  at  Work,  August  1944.  "  The  Museum  of  Modern  Art  Bulletin  12, 

no.  3  (January  1945):  10-11. 

Heller,  Gerhard.  Un  Allemand  a  Paris:  1940-1944.  Paris:  Editions  du  Seuil, 
1981. 

Hunter,  Sam.  "Picasso  at  War:  Royan,  1940,  Sketchbook  No.  1 10,  1940." 
Inje  Suis  le  Cahier:  The  Sketchbooks  of  Picasso.  Exh.  cat.  Boston  and  New 
York:  Atlantic  Monthly  Press,  1986. 

Janis,  Harriet,  and  Sidney  Janis.  Picasso:  The  Recent  Years,  1939-1946. 
Garden  City,  N.Y:  Doubleday,  1946. 

Jardot,  Maurice.  Picasso:  Peintures,  1900-1955.  Paris:  Caiman-Levy,  1955. 

Jiinger,  Ernst.  Journal  de  guerre  et  d'occupation,  1939-1948.  Paris:  Rene 
Julliard,  1965. 

Kahnweiler,  Daniel  Henry.  Les  Sculptures  de  Picasso.  Paris:  Editions  du 
Chene,  1949. 

— .  My  Galleries  and  Painters.  Trans.  Helen  Weaver.  London:  Thames  and 
Hudson,  1971.  Originally  published  as  Mes  galeries  et  mes peintres:  Entretiens 
avec  Francis  Cremieux  (Paris:  Editions  Gallimard,  1961). 

Laporte,  Genevieve.  Sunshine  at  Midnight:  Memories  of  Picasso  and  Cocteau 
Trans.  Douglas  Cooper.  London:  Weidenfeld  and  Nicolson,  1975.  Origi- 
nally published  as  Un  amour  secret  de  Picasso:  Si  tard  le  soir,  le  soleil  brille 
(Paris:  Librairie  Plon,  1973). 

Larrea,  Juan.  Guernica:  Pablo  Picasso.  New  York:  Curt  Valentin,  1947. 

Lassaigne,  Jacques.  Picasso.  Paris:  Somogny,  191!). 

Leal,  Brigitte.  Musee  Picasso:  Cornets.  Catalogue  des  dessins.  2  vols.  Paris: 
Editions  de  la  Reunion  des  Musees  Nationaux,  1996. 

,  "'Le  Taureau  est  un  taureau,  le  cheval  est  un  cheval':  Picasso,  peintre 

d'histoire,  de  Guernica  au  Charmer."  In  Face  a  I'histoire,  1933-1966,  142-49. 
Exh.  cat.  Paris:  Centre  Georges  Pompidou,  1996. 

Lee,  Francis.  "A  Soldier  Visits  Picasso."  View  6,  nos.  2-3  (March-April 
1946):  16. 

Leiris,  Michel.  Journal  1922-1989.  Paris:  Editions  Gallimard,  1992. 

Lhote,  Andre.  "Opinions  libres  .  .  .  sur  la  peinture  francaise."  Comoedia,  13 
June  1942,  1,  6. 

Limbour,  Georges.  "Picasso  au  Salon  d'Automne."  Speclateur  des  Arts  1 
(December  1944):  4-8. 

Lord,  James,  Picasso  and  Dora:  A  Personal  Memoir.  New  York:  Farrar  Straus 
Giroux,  1993. 

Malo,  Pierre.  "Picasseries  et  Picasso."  Comoedia,  30  August  1941,  6. 

Malraux,  Andre.  Picasso's  Mask.  New  York:  Holt,  Rinehart  and  Winston, 
1976.  Originally  published  as  La  Tete  d'obsidienne  (Paris:  Editions 
Gallimard,  1973). 

McCully,  Marilyn,  ed.  A  Picasso  Anthology:  Documents,  Criticism,  Reminis- 
cences. London:  The  Arts  Council  of  Great  Britain  with  Thames  and 
Hudson,  1981. 

Miller,  Lee.  "In  Paris  .  .  .  Picasso  Still  at  Work."  Vogue  [15  October  191  I): 
98-99,  149-50,  155. 

Oppler,  Ellen  C.  Picasso's  Guernica.  New  York  and  London:  W.  W.  Norton, 
1988. 

Paris,  Centre  d'Art  et  de  Culture  Georges  Pompidou.  Paris-Paris,  1937-1957: 
Creations  en  France.  Exh.  cat.  Paris:  Centre  Georges  Pompidou,  1981. 


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lillil  IOGR  \i'in 


250 


Lenders  to  the  Exhibition 


Anon)  minis  i  ollectors 

Art  Depot.  Sw  eden 

I  he  Ai  i  Institute  oi  ( !hi< 

Sam  inking  Berggruen 

Mis.  I.iiid\  Bergman 

The  Cleveland  Museum  of  All 

Fine  Aits  Museums  of  San  f  lam  is<  0 

Galerie  Cazeau  Beraudiere,  Paris 

(  ialei  le  Louise  I.eu  is.  l'ai  is 

Galerie  Rosengart,  Lucerne 

Tony  and  Gail  Ganz 

Gecht  Family  Collection,  Chicago 

The  Solomon  R.  Guggenheim  Museum,  New  York 

Henie-Onstad  Art  Centre,  Hovikodden,  Norwa) 

The  Alex  Hillman  family  Foundation  Collection 

The  Israel  Museum,  Jerusalem 

Collection  E.W.K.,  Bem 

Kunstsammlung  Nordrhein  AVestfalen,  Diisseldorf 

Los  Angeles  Count\  Museum  of  Art 

Menard  Art  Museum.  Ah  In,  Japan 

The  Menil  Collection,  Houston 

The  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Marcos  Micha 

Milwaukee  Art  Museum 

Musee  des  Beaux-Arts.  Lyon 

Musee  Picasso,  Paris 

Museo  Nacional  Centre)  de  Arte  Rema  Sofia.  Madrid 

The  Museum  of  Modern  Art,  New  York 

Nagasaki  Prefectural  Art  Museum 

Narodm  Galerie,  Prague 

National  Gallery  of  Canada.  ( )ttawa 

National  Gallery  of  Victoria,  Melbourne 

The  National  Museum  ol  Modem  Art.  K\  oto 

Philadelphia  Museum  of  Ait 

The  Phillips  Collection,  Washington.  DC. 

Marina  Picasso  Collection 

Pinacoteca  di  Brera,  Milan 

Noel  and  Florence  Rothman,  Chicago 

Staatsgalerie  Stuttgarl 

Michael  Wen  in  ( la  lien  .  \ew  York  and  ( Cologne 

The  Urtiversit)   oi  Iowa  Museum  ol  An 
Yale  IniMisitN   Ail  (.alien.  New  Ha\en 


251 


252 


Index  of  Illustrations 

Note   Page  references  in  boldface  indicate  the  illustrations 


Works  in  the  Exhibition 

Atelier  Window,  I  Jul)  194  I,  cal  no.  70:  190 
Bathers  with  Crab,  10 Jul)  1938,  cat  no.  19:  19,  140 

Buffet  at  Hie  Catalan,  30  Ma)    19  I  I,  I  at  no   68:  188 

Bull's  Skull,  Fruit,  and  Pitcher,  29  Jan.  1939,  cat  no.  27:  is.  148 

Bust  ofa  Woman,  15  Oct  1941,  cat  no    17    13    14,  168 

Cat  Seizing  a  Bird,  22  Api    I939,cal  no    (0:51,151 

detail,  54 
The  Charnel House,  1944,  1946,  cat  no.  82:  13,  17.  35  37,  52  53,  77-7!), 

'i7.  120,202,226,  228 
(  od  of  the  Liberation,  23  Nov.  19 1 1,  cat  no.  77:  197 
TheCock,29  Mar,  1938,  cat.  no   15:  136 

detail,  68 
Combat  in  the  Arena,  state  l\  .  10  ( )ct  1937,  cat  no.  12:  26,  133 
Deaths  Head.  1941  ?),  cat  no.  54    12,  84,  175,  216 
Dream  and  Lie  <>f  Ira  neo  Sueriu  \  mentira  de  Franco  .  8   10  January, 

7 June  1937,  cat  no.  2:  16,  71.  72.  115,  US.  124.  20.".,  207 
/■are  (Visage),  1941  cat  no.  52:  173 
Figure,28]aa.  1937,  cat  no.  3:  15   16,  125 
First  Steps,  21  Ma)  194  I,  cat  no.  67:  35,  Si,.  95,  187 
Flayed  Head  ofa  Sheep,  I  Oct  1939,  cat  no.  35:  21,52,  156 
I ln,eer  Vase  on  a  Table.  19  12.  cat.  no.  (>3:  183 

Girl  Asleep  at  a  Table  Intciieur  a  la  femme  endormie),  18  Dec.  1936, 
cat  no.  1:  123 

detail,  98 
Head  ofa  Bearded  Man.  7  Jan.  1940,  cat  no.  39:  160 
Head  ofa  Woman.  1  Apr.  1939,  cat  no.  29:  150 
Head  ofa  Woman,'!  Mar   1940,  cat.  no.  II:  162 
Head  of  a  Woman.  1941,  cat  no.  53:  174 
Head  of  a  Woman.  25  Ma\   11*11,  cat.  no.  13:  164 
II, ad  of  a  Woman,  Nov.  1941,  cat.  no.  50:  171 
Head  of  a  Woman.  3  June  1943,  cal.  no.  69:  189 
Head  ofa  Woman  (Dora  Maar).  28  Mai    I1'  19,  (  at.  no.  28:  149 
Interieur  a  la  femme  endormie.  See  Works  in  the  Exhibition,  Girl  Asleep 

at  a  Table 
Le  Faucheur.  See  Works  in  the  Exhibition,  The  Reaper 
Man  with  a  Lamb.  19 Jul)  19  12.  cat.  no.  59:  17.  3  I    i.">.  179 
Man  with  a  Lamb,  ca.  Mar.  1943,  cat  no.  66:  51,  52.  78.  94-95,  186,  219, 

221,221,225 
Alan  with  a  Straw  Hat  and  an  In  (.'nam  Cone,  (O  Aug.  I1'  18,  <  .it.  no.  22:  143 
Monument  aux  Fspagnols  morts  pour  la  France.  See  Works  in  the  Kxln 

bition.  Monument  to  the  Spanish  Who  Died f oi  Trance 
Monument  to  the  Spanish  Who  Died  for  France  (Monument  aux  Espagnols 

morts  pour  la  France  .  19  1 5    17.  cat  no.  83:  32,  35,  37,  72,  203,  228 
Night  Fishing  at  Antibes,  Aug.  1939,  cat.  no.  31:  IK,  19-21,20,50  51,  120, 

152.211    12 
Nude.  28  Nov.  1911.  cat.  no.  19:  170 
Paris,  1 1  /ah  l<>42 

state  V  (positive),  14  Jul)  1942,  cal  no   ".;    14,95,95,178 

state  Y   negative  ,  1 1  Jul)  19  12.  cat  no.  .".8:  34,  95,  178 
Pitcher  and  Candle,  20  Feb.  1945,  I  at  no.  78:  198 
Tin  R,  apt  i    l.e  I  .mi  hem       19  13.  <  at.  no.  71:  194 

Reclining  Nude,  17  Mm  1938,  cat  no,  16:  137 

Reclining  Nude,  16  De<    1941,  cat.  no.  51:  30,  172 

Reclining  Xit/li  arid  Woman  Washing  l/u  Int.  18  Api    I'M  I.  i  al    no 

10,  195 
Seated  Man  and  Unman  at  1 1,  i  Toilette,  20  Sept  1930,  cal    no    12:  153 
Seated  Woman,  29  Aug   1938,  cal  no  21:  19,142 
Seated  Woman,  3  Feb   1940,  cal  no.  10:  161 

Seated  Woman  (frontispuu  fot  Contreej,  2  1  De<    I'M  i.  cal  no  72   85,  192 
Sheep's  Skull,  I  Ocl    19  19,  cal  no    14   21,  52,  155 


Skull  and  Pitcher,  lOMai    I945,cal  no  79    ;2.  199 

<lcl.nl.  112 

Skulls,  19  Mai   1945,  cal  no  81    12,  201 

Standing  Nudi  and  Sealed  Unman    '5  Scpi     9    i,  cat  no.  33:  154 

Still  Life  with  Basket  of  Fruit,  1942,  cal   no  62    182 

Still  Life  with  Blood  Sausage,  lOMay  1941,catnc    12:30  9.163 

detail,  12 
Still  Lif  with  (  andle,  Palette,  and  Black  Bull's  Head,  19  No\    19  18, 

...i  no  24    18,  145 
Still  Lift  with  Palette,  Candlestick,  and  Head  of  a  Minotaur,  i  No>    19 

cat  no.  23:  18,  144 
Still  Life  with  a  Pigeon,  13  No\    I941,cal  no   18    .2.169 
Still  Life  with  Sheep's  Skull,  6  Ocl   1939,  cat  no    11    21    .2.157 
Still  Life  with  Skull  Leeks,  and  Pitcher,  14  Mai    I945,ca(  no.  80    ..'.200 
Still  Life  with  Skull  and  Pitcher,  15  Aug   194  (,  i  at  no.  71:  32,  191 
Still  Life  with  Steer's  Skull  and  Table,  &  \\n    1942,  cat  no.  55    '.2.176 
Study  for  Guernica,  9  Mas  19  \\ .  i  al  no.  5:  127 
Study  for  Guernica  (Head  of a  Horse),  2  Ma)   1937,  cal  no    I    126 
Study  for  Guernica  (Mother  and  Dead  Child),  28  Ma)  1937,  cal  no  6   is.  128 

detail,  38 
Study  for  Man  with  a  Lamb:  The  Lamb,  26  Mai    1943,  cal  no  M    184 
Study  for  Man  with  a  Lamb,  27  29  Mai    1943,  cal   no  65:  185 
Sueno  y  mentira  de  Franco,  iff  Works  in  the  Exhibition,  Dream  and  In 

"I  Franco 
Hi,  Supplicant.  18  Dec.  1937.  cat  no.  13:  134 
Hi,,,  Figures,  10  Aug   19  18,  cat  no.  20:  19,  111 
Three  Skulls  of  Sheep,  17  Oct.  1939,  cal  no   17:21,158 
Two  Nude  Women,  1941,  cat  no.  53:  30,  174 
Visage.  See  Works  in  the  Exhibition,  Face 
Weeping  Woman,  1937,  cat.  no.  14    IN.  88,  135 

state  III,  I  Jul)  19i7.  en  no.  8:  18,  130 

state  VII,  I  Jul)  1937,  cat  no.  9:  18.  88,  88,  131,  207 
Weeping  Unman  I  ,  ljul)  19  17,  cat  no   10    18,  89,  132 
Weeping  Woman  11.  ljul)   1937,  cal   no    II    18,89,132 
Weeping  Unman  with  Handkerchief,  26  [une  19  17,  i  at  no.  7:  18,  129 
Woman  with  an  Artichoke.  19  12,  <  at  no.  61:  34,  34.  181   * 
Woman  in  a  Gray  Hat  Scaled  in  an  Armchair,  20  [une  19  1 1,  i  at  no    II 

96,  165 
Woman  in  Gray  (Paris),  6  Aug.  1942,  i  at  no  60    13    •  I.  180 
Woman  with  a  Green  Hat,  29  Oct.  1939,  cat.  no.  38:  159 
Woman  in  a  Hat  Seated  in  an  Armeh,  n    19l2.cat.no    id     13,96,177 

Woman  in  a  Long  Dress.  19  I  I,  i  al   no.  73    13,  193 
Woman  Sacrificing  a  Gnat.  20  June   '    19  18,  cat  no.  17:  35,  17.  138 
Woman  Seated  in  an  Armchair,  I  <  n  i    19  1 1.  i  at  no    15:  166 

detail,  80 
Woman  Seated  in  an  Armchair,  12  < )( I    19  1 1.  i  al   m  i    16     13,  34.  167 
Woman  Standing  with  Arms  Spread,  5  |ul)   19  18,  i  al   no    18:  139 
Woman  with  a  Tambourine, Jan   19  19,  89,  90-91 

stair  I.,  at    no.  25     18.89,90.  146 

stale  Y  I?,  cat  no  26    18,  89,90,  147 
Woman  Washing  Her  Foot,  6  Ma)  1944,  cal  no  7i.   196 

Other  Works  by  Picasso 

Bacchanal,  24-28  Aug.  19 1 1.  28,  15,  3<>.  22  i 
Caft  at  Royan,  15  Aug   1940,  66  <>7.  66 
The  Charnel  House 

(  omposition  drawing,  13  Feb   1945,  76,  77 

state  I.  Feb   1945,  78.  78 

state  II.  Api    1945,  78,  78 

*  Not  included  m  exhibition 


253 


state  III,  May  1945,  78,79 

state  IV,  July  1945,  78,  79 
Christ  Blessing  the  Devil,  1895,  43,  43 
Composition  with  Minotaur,  28  May  1936,  15,  70,  70 
Crucifixion,  21  Oct.  1932,  81,  82,  83 
Guernica,  May-June  1937,  13,  17-18,  19,  27,  35,  39,  40-41,  42, 

44-50,  51-53  passim,  56,  72-73,  78.  79.  86,  88,  1 14-15,  1 18, 
206,206-11  passim 

state  II,  1937,  72.72.  77 
Head  of  a  Bull,  1940,  213 

Headnfa  Bull  on  a  Table,  5  Apr.  1942,  102,  103 
Head  of  Dora  Maar,  221 
Head  of  a  Woman,  74 
Landscape,  Juan-les-Pins,  1920,  45,  45 
L'Aubade,  4  May  1942,  17,  30,  30,  96.  218 
Le  Ujuilkt,  13 June  1936,  1.".,  70.  71 
Le  Desir  attrape  par  la  queue,  26,  215,  223 
Les  Demoiselles  d'Avignon,  ]une-]u\y  1907,  43-44,  44,  49,  82,  85,  87, 

104.2IH) 
Mater  Dolorosa  (Jacqueline  Roque),  2  Mar.  1959,  48-49,  49 
Parody  of  an  Ex-Voto,  1899-1900,  43,  43 
Picasso:  Collected  Writings,  excerpts,  55,  57-00.  07 

9  Dec.  1938,  59,  59 
Pitcher,  Candle,  and  Casserole,  16  Feb.  1945,  77,  78 
Portrait  of Martin  Fabiani,2H  July  1943,  117,  117 
Reclining  Nude,  25  Jan.  1941,  30,  30 
Reclining  Nude,  30  Sept.  1942,  30,  31 
Seated  Woman  with  a  Hat,  26  June  1941,  90,  96 
Seated  Woman  with  a  Hat,  27  July  1941,  90.  97 
sketchbook,  24 July  1940,  62,  63 
sketchbook,  30  September-29  Oct.  193!) 

M.P.  1990-111,/ 11 R,  63,  64 

M.P.  1990-111,/ 17R,  24,  63,  64 
sketchbook,  31  Dec.  1939,  67,  67 
Sketches  of  Heads  and  Skulls,  1940,  22,  22 
Sketch  of  Nudes,  Oct.  1939,  92,  93 
Sketches  of  Nudes,  19June  1940,  23,  23 
Sketch  of  a  Sheep's  Skull,  Oct.  1939 

M.P.  1990-1 11./50R,  93,94 

M.P  1990-1 1L/53R,  93,94 
Sketch  of  a  Woman  Holding  a  Sheep's  Skull,  Oct.  1939 

M.P.  1990    U1./49R,  93,  94 

M.P.  1990-1 11,/ 51 R,  24,  24,  93 
Still  Life  with  Dead  Birds,  1912,  46,  47 
studies,  verso  of  L'Homme  au  tricot,  12  Sept.  1939,  64 
Two  Harlequins,  74 
Woman  in  an  Armchair 

state  II,  19  Apr.  1939,  89,  91,  92 

state  VI,  January-June  1939,  89,  91-92,  92 
Woman  with  a  Cigarette  Holder  (Dora  Maar),  10  Aug.  1942,  32,  33 
Woman  with  a  Cock.  15  Feb.  1938,  17,  19,  19,  47,  209 
Woman  Dressing  Her  Hair.  June  1940,  22-24,  22,  92,  213,  213,  214 
Women  at  Their  Toilette,  1938,  58 

Works  by  Other  Artists 

Ambroselli,  Gerard,  Le  don  a  la  palriejuin  1940  (Le  Mareshal Petain),  77,  77 
Berchem,  Nicolaes,  Landscape  with  Crab  Catchers  by  Moonlight,  20,  20 
Bonnard,  Pierre,  Pere  Ubu  (drawing),  16,  16 
Braque,  Geotges    Pitcher  and  Skull,  102,  102 

Hi,  Stove,  100,  101,  102 
Brianrhon,  Manner,  Bins  de  Boulogne,  100,  106 
Calder,  Alexander,  Mercury  Fountain,  206,  207 
Degas,  Edgar,  After  the  Bath.  90,  91 
I  In  Delugt  from  Tin tApot  alypse  of Saim 'Sever  (MS),  46,  46 
Dix,  Otto,  War,  49,  50 
Dubuffetjean:  Metro,  109,  110 

Portrait  of  Jean  Paulhan,  99,  100 

View  of  Paris:  Everyone  at  the  Windows,  109- 10,  111 


El  Angel  de  la  Paz  . . .  de  los  Fascistas!  (poster),  55,  57 
El  Greco:  Assumption  of  the  Virgin,  44,  45 

Pentecost  (Descent  from  the  Holy  Cross),  45,  46 

The  Repentant  Magdalen,  24,  25 
Fautrier,Jean:  The  Hostage,  73,  105,  105 

Open  Corpse,  104-105,  104 

Rabbit  Skins,  104,  104 
Fernandez,  Gregorio,  Virgin  of  Sorrows,  48,  48 
Fougeron,  Andre,  Rue  de  Paris  43,  75,  75 
Goya,  Francisco  de:  Burial  of  Christ,  42,  42 

Dream  of  Lies  and  Inconstancy,  16,  92,  93 

Still  Life  with  Woodcocks,  47,  47 

The  Third  of  May,  1808,  39,  42,  42.  40,  50,  51,  81,  96 

Unhappy  Mother,  42,  43 
Griinewald,  Matthias,  The  Crucifixion,  Isenheim  Altar,  49,  78,  81,  82 
Gutierrez-Solana,Jose,  The  War,  49,  51 
Head  of  Medusa  (Greco-Roman),  89,  89 
Ingres,  Jean- Auguste-Dominique:_/»/)!7fr  and  Thetis,  50,  53 

Odalisque  with  a  Slave,  30,  31,  96 
Low,  David,  The  Angels  of  Peace  Descend  on  Belgium,  55,  57 
Miraculous  Draft  of  Fishes  (fresco;  San  Pedro  de  Sorpe),  detail,  20,  21 
Mother  and  Child  (fresco),  detail,  24,  25 
Perrault,  Louis,  Venus,  23,  23 

Pignon,  Edouard,  Seated  Woman  at  a  Table,  101,  101 
Posada,  Jose  Guadalupe,  Temptation  of  Saint  Anthony,  55,  56 
Poussin,  Nicolas:  Bacchanal  before  a  Herm,  detail,  18,  90,  91 

The  Triumph  of  Pan,  28,  35,  37,  224 
solar  eye  pectoral,  tomb  of  Tutankhamun,  63 

detail,  61 
Soutine,  Chaim:  Return  from  School  after  the  Storm,  107,  108 

Young  Girl  at  Fence,  107,  107 
"The  Marshal  Speaking  in  Front  of  a  Microphone"  (anonymous),  109,  109 

Photographs 

Aubier.Jean,  223 

Aubier,  Zanie,  223 

Beauvoir,  Simone  de,  223 

Breker,  Arno,  218 

Camus,  Albert,  223 

Derain,  Andre,  217 

Despiau,  Charles,  217,  218 

Eluard,  Cecile,  223 

Eluard,  Paul,  225 

Fnesz,  Othon,  217 

Hautecoeur,  Louis,  218 

Hugo,  Valentine,  223 

Kazbek  (Picasso's  afghan  hound),  209,  223 

Lacan,  Jacques,  223 

Leiris,  Louise,  223 

Leiris,  Michel,  223 

Maillol,  Aristide,  218 

Miller,  Lee,  28,  28 

Picasso  Lopez,  Maria  (Picasso's  mother),  95 

Picasso,  Pablo,  frontispiece,  28,  204,  206,  213,  214,  221,  223,  225 

Portrait  of  Dora  Maar  with  Cigarette  Holder  (Izis),  33,  33 

Reverdy,  Pierre,  223 

Sartre,  Jean-Paul,  223 

Segonzac,  Andre  Denoyer  de,  217 

Van  Dongen,  Kees,  217 

Vilato,  Lola  (Picasso's  sister),  95 

Vlaminck,  Maurice  de,  217 


254     INDEX 


Photography  Credits 

Photographs  i>l  works  ol  art  reproduced  in  tins  volume  have  been 
provided  1>\  the  lenders  unless  otherwise  noted 


Frontispiece 

<   Petei  Rose  Pulham 

Picasso,  War,  and  Art 

Steven  A.  N  \sti 

Fig.  5  Prudence  Cuming  Associates  Limited,  London 

I  ig    I  1  '    Won  eslei   Ait  Museum 

Fig.  14  <    Lee  Millet  Archives 

Fig.  17  <    Christie's  Images.  New  York 

I  ig    IN  '     I  lanaid  l'm\ersit\  Ait  Museums 

Fig.  20  '    Mine  Louis  l/is 

Picasso 's  Disasters  of  War:  The  Art  ofBlaspht  my 

Roll!  Kl  R<  IS]  NB1  I  M 

Fig   ti  <     Photo  Ai\iu  lotogiatu   de  Mtiseus,  A|untament  tie  Barcelona 

Fig.  7  Photograph  <   The  Museum  ol  Modern  Art,  New  York 

fig.  8  Photograph  I    1998  The  Art  Institute  of  Chicago.  All  rights  reserved. 

Fig.  Hi  Bernard   lei  las 

Death  Falling  from  tfu  Sky:  Picasso's  Wartinu  Texts 
Lydia  CsatOG  ism  \n 

Fig.  7  '     I! I!  12  Thames  and  Hudson  Ltd,  London,  reproduced  1>\  permis- 
sion ol  the  publishers 
Figs.  12    13  Courtesv  Robert  Colic 

From  Guernica  to  The  Chamel  House:  The  Political  Radiaili-jition  of  the  Artist 

(il  Kill    R    I'll  M 

Fig.  3  £  Dora  Maar 

Fig.  i  Galerie  Fischei   Photo  Shut),  provided  by  Los  Angeles  Count) 

Museum  ill  An 
Fig.  7  Archipel 
Figs.  9-12  <   Cahiers  d'Art,  Paris 

Where  Do  The)  ('.mm  From  -  Thost  Superb  Paintings  and  Horrid  Women  of 

"Picasso's  War"? 
Bkk.ii  ii  B\i  R 
Fig.  17  Courtes)  the  V  flato  Rui/  Archive 

Circumventing  Picasso: Jean  Paulhan  and  His  Artists 
Mil  111  I  I   C.  CONl 

Fig.  II)  <   Courtesy  Christie's  Images.  New  York 
Fig.  13  Sarah  Efarpei  Gifford 

Reports  from  the  Home  Fronts:  Some  Skirmishes  over  Picasso 's  Reputation 

Mh  II  \i  1    Ill/til  RALD 

Fig.  1    <    Magnum  Photos.  New  York 

Fig.  (i  Courtesy  the  National  Archives.  Washington,  D.C. 

fig.  7  !    Robert  Doisneau,  Angence  Rapho,  Paris 

Catalogue  of  Works 

Cat.  nos.  I  6, 83  Archival  photograph  of  Museo  Nacional  Centra  de 

\ne  Reina  Sofia,  Madrid 
Cat.  no.  7  '     l!)!)8  Museum  Associates.  Los  Angeles  Count)  Museum 

nl  \n   All  nghis  reserved. 
Cat.  nos    13,17,19,22,   10,  12,  14,50(1    RMN-J   G.  Berizzi 
Cat.  nos.  2".  26,57  58  ProLitteris  •  SPADEM 
Cat.no  2S  I)a\id  Heald  <    The  Solomon  R  ( uiggenheim  Foundation, 

New  York  FN78.25M  I"62 
Cat.  no.  il  Photograph  I    1998  The  Museum  ol  Modem  \u.  New  Yuk 
Cat  nos.  35,  71  i    RMN  Gerard  Biol 
Cat  no.  iii  |a\ iei  I lini pjosa 


Cal  nos    17,  52  *  Jalerie  (an  Krugiei 

Cal  no    19  Courtesy  Galerie  Cazeau-Beraudiert    Paris 

Cal  no    12  Steven  Soloman 

Cal  no    13  Oto  Palan 

Cal  no    16  I    Waltei  Klein,  Diisseldorf 

Cat  no.  17  !    Images  Modemes  Eri<  Baudouin 

Cat.no    I!)  Robert  I    Mates  <    rhe  Solomon  R  Guggenheim  Foundation, 

New  York   FN  55  1433 
Cal   no  5  I  l    RMN  Beatrice  Hatala 
Cal  no  63Ecco  Wang    1998 
Cal  nos  64  65  i    RMN 
Cat  nos  69,  79  Hicke)  Robertson,  Houston 
Cat.  no.  73  Ellen  Page  \\  ilson 

( !al    no.  75  /.mdman    1  remonl 

Cat.  no.  76  I  he  Art  Institute  ol  ( !hi<  ago.  Imaging  and  hi  hni<  al 

Sen  ii  es  1  lepartment 
( !al  no  77  Efraim  l.e\  ei 
Cat.  no.  82  Photograph  I    rhe  Museum  of  Modern  \rt.  New  Yak 


Chronology 

Pages  209    123  «    Gilberte  Brassai',  Paris 

Page  216  ( lentre  dc  documentation  juive  contemporaine,  Paris 

Pages  218,  225  (above)  Roger-Viol  lei.  Paris   I    Lapi  \  iollel 
Page  221  i    Magnum  Photos,  New  York 

Page  227    above     <     Lee  Millei   An  lines 


255 


256 


HUMANITIES   ITZZV,